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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Degrees Without Skills: India’s Silent Crisis

Mar 26
5 min read

As other nations rebuild their entire knowledge systems for an AI-driven future, India remains trapped in incrementalism while leaving the deeper architecture of learning untouched.

Picture a classroom. Thirty students. Bright faces, packed bags, parents who sacrificed holidays and savings to put them there. Now remove fifteen of them.


Tell them that you studied hard, you passed your exams, you did everything right but are not ready for the world waiting outside this door. That is not a hypothetical. That is today’s India.


The India Skills Report 2025 found that only 47 percent of engineering graduates are considered employable. Across the country, that translates to hundreds of thousands of young people graduating every year and walking into a job market that does not want what they are selling.


To be fair to our policymakers, someone saw this coming. In July 2020, India introduced the National Education Policy - the first overhaul of our education framework in 34 years. On paper, it was everything the country needed. It called for an end to rote learning. It pushed for critical thinking, creativity, and real-world problem solving. It demanded that vocational and academic education stop living in separate buildings. It set an ambitious target of spending 6 percent of GDP on education and was created with a bold vision.


But two years later, the world changed in a way the policy never anticipated. In November 2022, ChatGPT was launched and within months, artificial intelligence moved from a topic in a computer science textbook to a daily tool reshaping every industry on the planet.


By 2023, companies in finance, law, healthcare, and technology were quietly replacing entire categories of entry-level work with AI systems that were faster, cheaper, and available around the clock. The BPO industry, which had employed lakhs of fresh Indian graduates for two decades, began restructuring because AI was better at the work those freshers were being hired to do.


The NEP 2020 was built for a world where the challenge was improving how humans learned. But it had no answer for a world where machines had started doing what those humans were being trained to do.


Deeper Malaise

Most colleges in India are not run by educators. They are run by politicians and businessmen. The college is an asset - a brand, a building, a revenue stream where education is incidental to the business model.


Today, 80 percent of a student's time goes into theory inside a classroom. The remaining 20 percent, laughably called practical, is so disconnected from reality that both students and faculty treat it as a box to be ticked. The result is a graduate who can describe a concept but cannot apply it. Who can reproduce an answer but cannot solve a problem they have not seen before. This imbalance is not uniquely Indian; it echoes an older global model of education that many countries have since abandoned in favour of applied learning.


In much of Europe, for instance, students in technical fields split their time between classrooms and paid apprenticeships, ensuring that theory and practice evolve together rather than in isolation. Germany’s dual education system, often cited as a gold standard, embeds industry exposure into the curriculum from the outset, producing graduates who are job-ready on day one.


Our faculty qualification policy compounds the damage. It demands PhDs, NET certificates, and academic publications. It says almost nothing about industry experience. So, ninety-five percent of professional course faculty have never spent a year working in the field they teach. And those PhDs? India awards among the highest number of doctorates in the world yet ranks near the bottom globally on patents granted and on research converted into commercial products.


Stark Disconnect

This disconnect between academic output and real-world impact is stark when compared with ecosystems like the United States, where universities such as MIT or Stanford University actively encourage faculty to commercialise research, launch startups, and collaborate with industry. In these systems, a professor moving between academia and industry is not an exception but an expectation. Israel, another instructive case, has built a formidable innovation economy despite its small size precisely because its academic institutions are tightly interwoven with defence, technology, and venture capital networks.


Meanwhile, China spends 2.43 percent of GDP on research and development. The United States spends 3.48 percent. India spends 0.64 percent. China has rebuilt its top universities around AI with mandatory industry partnerships and a direct pipeline from campus to commercial deployment. Singapore mandates AI literacy for law students, medical students, and civil servants — not just engineers. South Korea, too, has aggressively aligned its universities with industrial policy, ensuring that research feeds directly into sectors such as semiconductors and robotics. Even smaller economies like Finland have reoriented their education systems to emphasise problem-solving, interdisciplinary thinking, and collaboration with local industries. The result across these countries are graduates who are not merely knowledgeable, but economically productive from the outset.


We are still debating board exam reform. While other nations are redesigning entire knowledge systems for an AI-driven future, India remains trapped in incrementalism, tweaking examinations while leaving the deeper architecture of learning untouched. What this demands is not incremental reform, but a reset in how we think about learning itself.


Learning must become practical from the very first day. The balance needs to shift: theory should support application, not substitute for it. Every concept ought to lead somewhere tangible — a real problem to solve, a live dataset to analyse, a prototype to build. Memory, as a standalone skill, has already been outsourced; the device in every student’s pocket does that better. What cannot be outsourced is judgment, creativity, and the ability to apply knowledge in unfamiliar situations.


The classroom, in turn, must stop being insulated from the world it claims to prepare students for. A practitioner with fifteen years of experience brings something no textbook can replicate: the texture of failure, constraint, and decision-making under pressure. Such professionals should not hover at the margins as occasional guest speakers, but be embedded within institutions as teachers, curriculum designers and decision-makers and compensated accordingly. When institutions resist this, they are implicitly asserting that theory is sufficient when it simply is not.


Meaningful Partnerships

Equally, the idea of ‘industry partnership’ needs to move beyond ceremony. The framed MoUs and logo-lined corridors are often an illusion of engagement. A meaningful partnership is harder and more demanding: it places students inside real problems early in their education, with outcomes that matter beyond the classroom. It expects faculty to engage with industry not as observers but as participants. And it requires curricula to evolve continuously - shaped by present needs, not frozen in the assumptions of a previous decade.


These are not expensive ideas but merely a change in what colleges believe their job actually is.


Remember those fifteen students we asked to leave? They are extraordinary young people who had the misfortune of going through a system designed to produce something the world no longer needs in the same numbers - theory-trained, examination-passing graduates who learned everything about a subject and nothing about how to use it.


As Dr. A. P. J. Abdul Kalam often argued, a nation’s real strength lies in what it can do on its own.


(The author is a strategy and transformation leader who writes extensively on technology and the future of work. Views personal.) 


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