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By:

Yogesh Kumar Goyal

19 April 2026 at 12:32:19 pm

The Exit Poll Mirage

While exit polls sketch a dramatic map of India’s electoral mood, the line between projection and verdict remains perilously thin. With the ballots across five politically pivotal arenas of West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Assam, Kerala and Puducherry falling silent until the results are announced on May 4, poll surveyors have filled the vacuum with exit poll numbers that excite, alarm and often mislead. These projections have already begun shaping narratives well before D-Day on May 4. If India’s...

The Exit Poll Mirage

While exit polls sketch a dramatic map of India’s electoral mood, the line between projection and verdict remains perilously thin. With the ballots across five politically pivotal arenas of West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Assam, Kerala and Puducherry falling silent until the results are announced on May 4, poll surveyors have filled the vacuum with exit poll numbers that excite, alarm and often mislead. These projections have already begun shaping narratives well before D-Day on May 4. If India’s electoral history offers any lesson, it is that exit polls illuminate trends, not truths. Bengal’s Brinkmanship Nowhere is the drama more intense than in West Bengal, arguably the most keenly watched contest among all five arenas. The contest for its 294 seats has long transcended the state’s borders, becoming a proxy for national ambition. Most exit polls now point to a striking possibility of a Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) majority, in some cases a commanding one. Such an outcome would mark a political earthquake. For decades, Bengal has resisted the BJP’s advances, its politics shaped instead by regional forces - first the Left Front, then Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC). Yet the arithmetic of the polls suggests that the BJP’s campaign built on organisational muscle and the promise of ‘parivartan’ (change) may have finally breached that wall. The TMC, meanwhile, appears to be grappling with anti-incumbency and persistent allegations of corruption. Still, one outlier poll suggests it could yet retain power, a reminder that Bengal’s electorate has a habit of confounding linear predictions. Here, more than anywhere else, the gap between projection and reality may prove widest. Steady Script If Bengal is volatile, the Assam outcome looks fairly settled. Across agencies, there is near unanimity that the BJP-led alliance is poised not just to retain power, but to do so comfortably. With the majority mark at 64 in the 126-member assembly, most estimates place the ruling coalition well above that threshold, in some cases approaching triple digits. The opposition Congress alliance, by contrast, appears stranded far behind. Under Himanta Biswa Sarma, the BJP has fused development rhetoric with a keen sense of identity politics, crafting a coalition that has proved resilient. A third consecutive term would underline the party’s deepening institutional hold over the state. Kerala, by contrast, may be returning to its old rhythm. For decades, the state has alternated power between the Left Democratic Front (LDF) and the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) with metronomic regularity. The LDF broke that pattern in the last election, securing an unprecedented second term. Exit polls now suggest that experiment may be short-lived. Most projections place the UDF comfortably above the 71-seat majority mark in the 140-member assembly, with the LDF trailing significantly. If borne out, this would reaffirm Kerala’s instinctive resistance to prolonged incumbency. Governance records matter here, but so does a deeply ingrained political culture that treats alternation as a form of accountability. Familiar Duel? Tamil Nadu, long dominated by its Dravidian titans, shows little appetite for disruption as per most exit polls, which place M.K. Stalin’s DMK-led alliance above the halfway mark of 118 in the 234-seat assembly. Yet, some sections have suggested a possible upset could be staged by actor Vijay’s TVK, the wildcard in the Tamil Nadu battle. Most polls, however, are clear that the opposition AIADMK alliance, though competitive, seems unlikely to unseat the incumbent DMK. In Puducherry, the smallest of the five contests, the implications may nonetheless be outsized. Exit polls give the BJP-led alliance a clear majority in the 30-seat assembly, relegating the Congress-led bloc to a distant second. Numerically modest, the result would carry symbolic weight. A victory here would further entrench the BJP’s presence in the south, a region where it has historically struggled to gain ground. For all their allure, exit polls are imperfect instruments. They rest on limited samples, extrapolated across vast and diverse electorates. In a country where millions vote, the opinions of a few thousand can only approximate reality and often fail to capture its nuances. There is also the problem of the ‘silent voter’ - individuals who either conceal their preferences or shift them late. Recent elections have offered ample reminders. In states such as Haryana and Jharkhand, and even in Maharashtra where margins were misjudged, exit polls have erred, and sometimes dramatically sp. Moreover, the modern exit poll is as much a media event as a methodological exercise. Packaged with graphics, debates and breathless commentary, it fills the void between voting and counting with a sense of immediacy that may be more theatrical than analytical. That said, to dismiss them entirely would be too easy. Exit polls do serve a purpose in sketching broad contours, highlighting regional variations and offering clues about voter sentiment. For political parties, they are early signals and act as tentative guides for observers. Taken together, this cycle’s exit polls suggest a broad, if tentative, pattern of the BJP consolidating in the east and north-east, and opposition alliances regaining ground in parts of the south, and continuity prevailing in key states. But patterns are not outcomes and only counted votes confer legitimacy. It is only on May 4 when the sealed electronic voting machines will deliver that clarity. They will determine whether Bengal witnesses a political rupture or a resilient incumbent, whether Assam’s stability holds, whether Kerala’s pendulum swings back, and whether Tamil Nadu stays its course. (The writer is a senior journalist and political analyst. Views personel.)

Dignified Exit

For a country where debates on life and death are often filtered through religion, morality and medical caution, the Supreme Court’s recent order permitting passive euthanasia for a 32-year-old man in a permanent vegetative state marks a moment of quiet but profound significance. In allowing the withdrawal of life support for Harish Rana, who has remained in a coma for more than 13 years, the apex court has nudged the country closer to recognising what modern medicine has long complicated: the boundary between prolonging life and prolonging suffering.

 

Rana’s case is tragic in its simplicity. A football-loving engineering student at Panjab University, he suffered severe head injuries after falling from the fourth floor of his paying guest accommodation in Ghaziabad in 2013. Since then, he has lived in a state that medicine describes as “permanent vegetative” - a condition where the body survives but consciousness is absent. For more than a decade, his family cared for him at home, sustained by hope but bound by the harsh reality that recovery was medically improbable. Their plea to withdraw life support eventually reached the Supreme Court.


The court directed that the procedure be carried out under careful medical supervision and in a manner that preserves the patient’s dignity. More significantly, the judges urged the government to enact comprehensive legislation on passive euthanasia, acknowledging that the legal framework remains incomplete.

 

The ruling builds upon a gradual legal evolution. India first confronted the question of mercy killing in the 2011 Aruna Shanbaug case. Shanbaug, a Mumbai nurse who had been brutally assaulted and left paralysed with severe brain damage, remained in a vegetative state for over four decades. The Supreme Court refused to allow passive euthanasia in her case because the petition had been filed by a journalist rather than a close relative. Yet the judgment cautiously opened the door by permitting passive euthanasia in exceptional circumstances under judicial oversight.

 

A clearer framework arrived in 2018 in the ‘Common Cause v. Union of India’ judgment. A five-judge constitutional bench declared that the right to die with dignity is intrinsic to the right to life under Article 21 of the Constitution. It also laid down guidelines for passive euthanasia, requiring decisions to be vetted by two independent medical boards after consultation with the patient’s family.


Rana’s case is the first time the Supreme Court has directly authorised the withdrawal of life support under this evolving doctrine. The ruling therefore transforms abstract constitutional principles into practical precedent.


Many fear that legalising euthanasia might expose vulnerable patients to coercion or economic pressure from families struggling with medical costs. The judiciary has therefore emphasised procedural safeguards like multiple medical boards, judicial scrutiny and the centrality of family consent.


India has long celebrated the sanctity of life. The law is now beginning to acknowledge another truth: that dignity, too, has its own claims at the end of life.

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