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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the...

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the question now is not what to build—but how quickly and seamlessly projects can be delivered. Urban mobility remains the backbone of MMR’s infrastructure agenda. Several metro corridors are at advanced stages, including the Andheri West–Vikhroli Metro Line 6 and extensions of the Colaba–Bandra–SEEPZ Metro Line 3. While construction has progressed steadily, coordination issues with municipal agencies—particularly related to road restoration, utilities shifting and traffic management—have often slowed execution. With elected civic bodies now politically aligned with the state government and agencies like MMRDA and MMRC, these bottlenecks are expected to ease. Decision-making on road closures, permissions for casting yards and last-mile integration with buses and footpaths could see faster turnarounds. Suburban rail projects such as the Panvel–Karjat corridor and additional railway lines on the Central and Western routes are also likely to benefit from smoother land acquisition and rehabilitation approvals, traditionally the most contentious municipal functions. Regional Connectivity MMR’s road infrastructure has expanded rapidly in recent years, but execution has often been uneven across municipal boundaries. Projects such as the Mumbai Coastal Road, the Goregaon–Mulund Link Road, the Thane–Borivali tunnel and the Airoli–Katai connector have regional significance but require constant coordination with local bodies for utilities, encroachments and traffic planning. Under a unified civic dispensation, authorities expect fewer inter-agency delays and greater willingness at the municipal level to prioritise regionally critical projects over hyper-local political considerations. The next phase of the Coastal Road, suburban creek bridges, and arterial road widening projects in fast-growing nodes like Vasai-Virar, Kalyan-Dombivli and Panvel could be streamlined as municipal corporations align their development plans with state transport objectives. Water Security Water supply remains one of the most politically sensitive infrastructure issues in MMR, particularly in peripheral urban zones. Projects such as the Surya Regional Water Supply Scheme and proposed dam developments in the Karjat region are designed to address chronic shortages in Mira-Bhayandar, Vasai-Virar and parts of Navi Mumbai. While these projects are state-driven, municipal cooperation is critical for distribution networks, billing systems and sewerage integration. With elected bodies replacing administrators, local governments are expected to accelerate last-mile pipelines, treatment plants and sewage networks that often lag behind bulk water infrastructure. Unified political control may also reduce resistance to tariff rationalisation and long-delayed sewage treatment upgrades mandated under environmental norms. Housing Integration One area where political alignment could have an outsized impact is redevelopment—particularly slum rehabilitation and transit-oriented development. Many large housing projects have stalled due to disputes between civic officials, state agencies and local political interests. A cohesive governance structure could fast-track approvals for cluster redevelopment near metro corridors, unlocking both housing supply and ridership potential. Municipal corporations are also likely to align their development control regulations more closely with state urban policy, enabling higher density near transport nodes and more predictable redevelopment timelines. This could be transformative for older suburbs and industrial belts awaiting regeneration. The return of elected municipal councils after years of administrative rule introduces political accountability but also sharper alignment with state priorities. Budget approvals, tendering processes and policy decisions that earlier faced delays due to political uncertainty are expected to move faster. Capital expenditure plans could increasingly reflect regional priorities rather than fragmented ward-level demands. However, challenges remain. Faster execution will depend not only on political control but on institutional capacity, contractor performance and financial discipline. Public scrutiny is also likely to intensify as elected representatives seek visible results within fixed tenures.

Diplomat with a Dagger

After the Pahalgam massacre, India’s foreign minister emerges as its wartime envoy-in-chief.

The Pahalgam massacre of more than 25 innocent civilians has comprehensively shattered the illusion that cross-border terrorism had been contained. It has propelled India into a diplomatic offensive not seen since the aftermath of the 2008 Mumbai attacks. While Prime Minister Narendra Modi vowed public vengeance, warning that the perpetrators would face retribution “beyond imagination,” the strategic charge has been handed to Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, External Affairs Minister.


Jaishankar has long been the architect of India’s assertive foreign policy. Post-Pahalgam, he has become its principal executor. The responsibility now rests on him not only to shape the global narrative in India’s favour but also to diplomatically isolate Pakistan while preparing the international ground for potential escalations.


Within hours of the attack, Jaishankar convened emergency briefings with envoys from the five permanent members of the UN Security Council and ambassadors from 30 other key nations. The corridors of the Ministry of External Affairs buzzed with urgency as diplomats from the United States, China, Russia, France and Britain were ushered into closed-door sessions. Representatives from Japan, Qatar, Germany, Italy and the European Union received dossiers and a clear message: India will not tolerate terrorism as business-as-usual.


As is his wont, Jaishankar has been characteristically clinical in giving Pakistan its comeuppance. A week prior to the Pahalgam strike, he had reminded the world that Pakistan’s “bad habits” had persisted since 26/11, referring to the coordinated terrorist attacks in Mumbai. The difference this time, he implied, was India’s resolve. “India has changed. I wish I could say the same about Pakistan,” he declared recently. “But they continue with the same playbook.”


The playbook is familiar: denials, plausible deniability, and shadowy links between state actors and terrorist proxies. But India’s response has drastically evolved. In a move heavy with symbolism and strategic consequences, India immediately suspended the Indus Waters Treaty within hours of the Pahalgam massacre.


Jaishankar’s tremendous credibility has been pivotal in steering international messaging through this crisis. He is not a bomb-thrower in the rhetorical sense, nor does he indulge in tub-thumping nationalism. Instead, he embodies a more surgical assertiveness. He is a diplomat who believes in calling bluffs, not raising decibels. His meeting with Israel’s ambassador to India, Reuven Azar, shortly after the attack was no coincidence. With Argentina’s envoy, he discussed strengthening bilateral ties and welcomed Buenos Aires’ condemnation of the attack. The subtext in both meetings was unmistakable: terrorism is no longer a regional nuisance but a global challenge. You are either with us or with the apologists.


What gives Jaishankar an edge is not just his fluency in foreign policy but his rapport with foreign policymakers. A former ambassador to both China and the United States, he has cultivated relationships across ideological lines and strategic divides. He can speak realist security jargon to Washington, evoke civilizational history with Beijing and cite multilateral legal frameworks in Geneva. He is as comfortable on social media as he is in Track 1.5 dialogues. Crucially, he has the full trust of PM Narendra Modi.


In the past, India’s responses to terror attacks were largely defensive and careful to avoid escalation. The Jaishankar doctrine is different. It is premised on deterrence through punishment and diplomacy through deterrence. It seeks not merely to ‘internationalize’ India’s grievances but to build a coalition of empathy and exasperation. The global situation favours India as well. While China had pledged to boost cooperation with Pakistan on infrastructure and mining projects, including developments in Gwadar Port, there are growing signs of strain between them with Beijing reassessing its investments.


Russia, on the other hand, has reaffirmed its special and privileged strategic partnership with India. President Vladimir Putin emphasized the commitment to deepen bilateral cooperation across all areas. Military cooperation remains robust, exemplified by joint naval exercises and the commissioning of Russian-made warships into the Indian Navy. All this is coming to roost has India prepares to deliver a ferocious response to Pakistan.


In the chessboard of South Asian geopolitics, the framing of moves matters. In this, Jaishankar is proving to be India’s grandmaster. The man who once penned foreign policy briefs is now scripting history. The world is watching, and he knows it.

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