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By:

Rajiv Shah

22 September 2025 at 8:32:23 pm

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger...

New Alliances, New Pressures, New Fault Lines

To its west, old relationships in the Gulf are acquiring new strategic and military dimensions. Across the Atlantic, Washington is increasingly using tariffs as an instrument of foreign policy. At the same time, India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and prepares to host its summit when the grouping is being watched in the West as a potential challenge to the American-dominated global financial order. Individually, these developments may appear unrelated. Put together, they reveal a larger geopolitical churn in which alliances, energy, trade, currencies and economic coercion are becoming interconnected. India finds itself almost at its centre. The emerging Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan security equation deserves particular attention. Saudi Arabia brings enormous financial and energy influence; Türkiye possesses considerable military strength, NATO experience and an expanding defence industry; Pakistan brings a large military establishment and nuclear capability with the open support of Washington. Any arrangement containing a collective-defence commitment naturally acquires significance beyond ordinary diplomatic cooperation. Alongside it, another strategic convergence has gradually developed among India, Israel and the UAE. It would be incorrect to describe this as a formal military alliance. Yet geopolitics does not operate through defence treaties alone. India's extensive defence and technology relationship with Israel, its rapidly expanding economic and strategic partnership with the UAE, and the UAE-Israel relationship following the Abraham Accords have created considerable common ground. I2U2—bringing together India, Israel, the UAE and the United States—added another institutional dimension. Thus, without necessarily becoming opposing military camps, two interesting strategic formations are visible across West Asia: Saudi Arabia–Türkiye–Pakistan and the looser India–UAE–Israel convergence. Balancing Challenge India faces a similar balancing challenge. The Gulf is not a distant geopolitical theatre for New Delhi. Nearly nine million Indians live and work there. India's energy security, investments, trade and remittance flows are closely connected with the region. The proposed India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor also requires relative stability across this geography. Polarisation in West Asia can therefore rapidly become an Indian economic and strategic problem. There is another question Indian planners cannot ignore. If a future India-Pakistan confrontation escalates, how would any collective-defence commitment involving Pakistan be interpreted by Saudi Arabia and Türkiye? It would be alarmist to assume that either country would automatically enter a conflict against India. Saudi Arabia, in particular, has substantial economic and strategic interests in maintaining good relations with New Delhi. Nevertheless, defence planners are paid to examine possibilities before they become crises. While these equations develop in India's neighbourhood, economic pressure is emerging from Washington. The US Senate has voted 86–11 for legislation intended to increase pressure on Russia by targeting major purchasers of Russian energy. The measure could authorise tariffs reaching 100 per cent against goods from countries continuing large-scale purchases of Russian oil and gas, with India among those potentially exposed. China is powerful enough to shrug off similar challenges from the West." However this does not mean that America has already imposed a 100 per cent tariff on India. Further legislative steps remain necessary, and presidential waiver provisions are important. But the overwhelming Senate vote carries a political message that New Delhi cannot dismiss. Tariffs are no longer merely tools of trade protection; they have become instruments of geopolitical coercion. Washington's argument is understandable: revenues from Russian petroleum help sustain Moscow's economy during the Ukraine war, and reducing those revenues increases pressure on Russia. But in that case what about European countries who too were/are customers of Russian oil? India's question is equally legitimate: who should determine where India purchases the energy required by more than 1.4 billion people? If Russian crude remains commercially advantageous and helps contain domestic energy costs, New Delhi cannot reasonably be expected to make every energy decision according to another country's geopolitical priorities. Strategic partnership cannot become strategic obedience. This is where BRICS enters the larger picture. India holds the BRICS presidency in 2026 and will host its leaders at an unusually sensitive moment. BRICS is no longer merely the original grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. Its expansion has considerably increased its demographic, energy and geopolitical weight. More importantly, discussions around BRICS increasingly touch a sensitive nerve in Washington: alternative payment mechanisms, local-currency trade, development finance and the possibility of gradually reducing dependence upon the dollar-dominated international financial system. The BRICS Summit this time is poised to take some decisive steps which may affect western interests especially US. (The writer is an advocate, legal, geopolitical and public policy analyst. Views personal.)

Discordant Notes

A.R. Rahman has spent three decades persuading India and the world that music can transcend identity. Which is why his recent remarks to the BBC Asian Network land not merely as a sour note, but as a dangerous one. In saying that there was a communal bias against him while describing the film ‘Chhaava’ as “divisive” despite himself working on it, Rahman has said something highly corrosive. For an artist of his stature, such a lapse is not trivial.


The interview, conducted by British Pakistani, nudged Rahman towards a familiar grievance: that the present political climate has made life harder for Muslim artists, snidely insinuating that life for minority community artists under the Modi regime had grown ‘intolerable.’ Taking the bait, Rahman went on to speak of a ‘chill’ in opportunities, while gesturing towards majoritarian intolerance and framed the film ‘Chhaava’ – which deals with Chhatrapati Sambhaji’s resistance against the tyrannical Mughal Aurangzeb - as a cultural fault-line.


The implication was that if Rahman’s work is not embraced, it is because the times are communal. This is where his argument collapses under its own weight. Indian popular culture has long been one of the country’s least sectarian arenas. Talent has been its harsh but largely impartial judge. Shah Rukh Khan remains its most bankable star. Aamir Khan still commands audiences. From Zakir Hussain’s tabla to Amjad Ali Khan’s sarod, from A.P.J. Abdul Kalam’s presidency to Azim Premji’s boardroom, the evidence stubbornly contradicts the notion of a glass ceiling imposed by faith.


For Rahman to claim otherwise is intellectual vapidity and sheer dishonesty. More damningly, for all his playing the victim card, Rahman’s professional circumstances do not support his case. He continues to be commissioned for marquee projects, including a lavish Ramayana which he is apparently co-scoring with Hans Zimmer.


Does Rahman’s receding star have something to do with his remarks? Like every artist who has dominated an era, is he fearing that his dominance is coming to an end? To dress the natural descent of a career arc as ‘communal discrimination’ is petty and unbecoming.


Voices within the industry have said as much. Author and columnist Shobhaa De, hardly a fellow-traveller of the current disposition, called Rahman’s remarks “very dangerous.” She rightly argued that religion has rarely been the barrier in Bollywood. When a man so successful, so decorated, so globally admired like Rahman plays the victim’s card, the gesture tarnishes his career.


What makes Rahman’s comments truly reckless is not their personal self-pity but their public consequence. India’s cultural ecosystem is already tense, hypersensitive to perceived slights, and prone to turning nuance into ammunition. When a figure of Rahman’s influence implies communal bias without evidence, he legitimises suspicion. He teaches younger artists that failure is always political, never professional.


By reaching for communal alibis, Rahman is trading the dignity of decline for the cheap shelter of grievance. History is rarely kind to such exchanges.

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