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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the...

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the question now is not what to build—but how quickly and seamlessly projects can be delivered. Urban mobility remains the backbone of MMR’s infrastructure agenda. Several metro corridors are at advanced stages, including the Andheri West–Vikhroli Metro Line 6 and extensions of the Colaba–Bandra–SEEPZ Metro Line 3. While construction has progressed steadily, coordination issues with municipal agencies—particularly related to road restoration, utilities shifting and traffic management—have often slowed execution. With elected civic bodies now politically aligned with the state government and agencies like MMRDA and MMRC, these bottlenecks are expected to ease. Decision-making on road closures, permissions for casting yards and last-mile integration with buses and footpaths could see faster turnarounds. Suburban rail projects such as the Panvel–Karjat corridor and additional railway lines on the Central and Western routes are also likely to benefit from smoother land acquisition and rehabilitation approvals, traditionally the most contentious municipal functions. Regional Connectivity MMR’s road infrastructure has expanded rapidly in recent years, but execution has often been uneven across municipal boundaries. Projects such as the Mumbai Coastal Road, the Goregaon–Mulund Link Road, the Thane–Borivali tunnel and the Airoli–Katai connector have regional significance but require constant coordination with local bodies for utilities, encroachments and traffic planning. Under a unified civic dispensation, authorities expect fewer inter-agency delays and greater willingness at the municipal level to prioritise regionally critical projects over hyper-local political considerations. The next phase of the Coastal Road, suburban creek bridges, and arterial road widening projects in fast-growing nodes like Vasai-Virar, Kalyan-Dombivli and Panvel could be streamlined as municipal corporations align their development plans with state transport objectives. Water Security Water supply remains one of the most politically sensitive infrastructure issues in MMR, particularly in peripheral urban zones. Projects such as the Surya Regional Water Supply Scheme and proposed dam developments in the Karjat region are designed to address chronic shortages in Mira-Bhayandar, Vasai-Virar and parts of Navi Mumbai. While these projects are state-driven, municipal cooperation is critical for distribution networks, billing systems and sewerage integration. With elected bodies replacing administrators, local governments are expected to accelerate last-mile pipelines, treatment plants and sewage networks that often lag behind bulk water infrastructure. Unified political control may also reduce resistance to tariff rationalisation and long-delayed sewage treatment upgrades mandated under environmental norms. Housing Integration One area where political alignment could have an outsized impact is redevelopment—particularly slum rehabilitation and transit-oriented development. Many large housing projects have stalled due to disputes between civic officials, state agencies and local political interests. A cohesive governance structure could fast-track approvals for cluster redevelopment near metro corridors, unlocking both housing supply and ridership potential. Municipal corporations are also likely to align their development control regulations more closely with state urban policy, enabling higher density near transport nodes and more predictable redevelopment timelines. This could be transformative for older suburbs and industrial belts awaiting regeneration. The return of elected municipal councils after years of administrative rule introduces political accountability but also sharper alignment with state priorities. Budget approvals, tendering processes and policy decisions that earlier faced delays due to political uncertainty are expected to move faster. Capital expenditure plans could increasingly reflect regional priorities rather than fragmented ward-level demands. However, challenges remain. Faster execution will depend not only on political control but on institutional capacity, contractor performance and financial discipline. Public scrutiny is also likely to intensify as elected representatives seek visible results within fixed tenures.

Discordant Notes

A.R. Rahman has spent three decades persuading India and the world that music can transcend identity. Which is why his recent remarks to the BBC Asian Network land not merely as a sour note, but as a dangerous one. In saying that there was a communal bias against him while describing the film ‘Chhaava’ as “divisive” despite himself working on it, Rahman has said something highly corrosive. For an artist of his stature, such a lapse is not trivial.


The interview, conducted by British Pakistani, nudged Rahman towards a familiar grievance: that the present political climate has made life harder for Muslim artists, snidely insinuating that life for minority community artists under the Modi regime had grown ‘intolerable.’ Taking the bait, Rahman went on to speak of a ‘chill’ in opportunities, while gesturing towards majoritarian intolerance and framed the film ‘Chhaava’ – which deals with Chhatrapati Sambhaji’s resistance against the tyrannical Mughal Aurangzeb - as a cultural fault-line.


The implication was that if Rahman’s work is not embraced, it is because the times are communal. This is where his argument collapses under its own weight. Indian popular culture has long been one of the country’s least sectarian arenas. Talent has been its harsh but largely impartial judge. Shah Rukh Khan remains its most bankable star. Aamir Khan still commands audiences. From Zakir Hussain’s tabla to Amjad Ali Khan’s sarod, from A.P.J. Abdul Kalam’s presidency to Azim Premji’s boardroom, the evidence stubbornly contradicts the notion of a glass ceiling imposed by faith.


For Rahman to claim otherwise is intellectual vapidity and sheer dishonesty. More damningly, for all his playing the victim card, Rahman’s professional circumstances do not support his case. He continues to be commissioned for marquee projects, including a lavish Ramayana which he is apparently co-scoring with Hans Zimmer.


Does Rahman’s receding star have something to do with his remarks? Like every artist who has dominated an era, is he fearing that his dominance is coming to an end? To dress the natural descent of a career arc as ‘communal discrimination’ is petty and unbecoming.


Voices within the industry have said as much. Author and columnist Shobhaa De, hardly a fellow-traveller of the current disposition, called Rahman’s remarks “very dangerous.” She rightly argued that religion has rarely been the barrier in Bollywood. When a man so successful, so decorated, so globally admired like Rahman plays the victim’s card, the gesture tarnishes his career.


What makes Rahman’s comments truly reckless is not their personal self-pity but their public consequence. India’s cultural ecosystem is already tense, hypersensitive to perceived slights, and prone to turning nuance into ammunition. When a figure of Rahman’s influence implies communal bias without evidence, he legitimises suspicion. He teaches younger artists that failure is always political, never professional.


By reaching for communal alibis, Rahman is trading the dignity of decline for the cheap shelter of grievance. History is rarely kind to such exchanges.

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