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By:

Sagari Gupta

24 March 2026 at 2:16:04 pm

SpaceX’s IPO and India’s Sovereignty

The record-breaking $1.75 trillion IPO underscores a new reality that nations which do not control critical digital infrastructure risk ceding part of their sovereignty. Last week, SpaceX listed on Nasdaq under the ticker SPCX, raising $75 billion at a staggering valuation of $1.75 trillion. That single offering surpassed Saudi Aramco’s 2019 record of $25.6 billion by a factor of three. India’s defence budget for FY 2025-26 was Rs. 6.81 lakh crore, approximately $78.57 billion, according to...

SpaceX’s IPO and India’s Sovereignty

The record-breaking $1.75 trillion IPO underscores a new reality that nations which do not control critical digital infrastructure risk ceding part of their sovereignty. Last week, SpaceX listed on Nasdaq under the ticker SPCX, raising $75 billion at a staggering valuation of $1.75 trillion. That single offering surpassed Saudi Aramco’s 2019 record of $25.6 billion by a factor of three. India’s defence budget for FY 2025-26 was Rs. 6.81 lakh crore, approximately $78.57 billion, according to the Union Budget. SpaceX raised the near-equivalent of that annual allocation in one day. The investors who participated were not buying into a rocket company. They were pricing control over satellite infrastructure, global internet access, launch capability, and an integrated AI platform at a level exceeding the GDP of most countries. Roughly 30 percent of the shares, worth approximately $22.5 billion, went to retail investors, three times the proportion typical of a US listing. India has no private entity in this category. What SpaceX actually controls Starlink, SpaceX’s satellite internet division, operated approximately 7,000 active satellites globally as of early 2026. It counts over nine million subscribers worldwide, and following a 2026 merger, SpaceX also owns xAI, the developer of the Grok AI system. A company that controls satellite connectivity, launch capacity, and a frontier AI model occupies a position no regulator has previously had to classify. It is not a telecom operator, not a defence contractor, and not a technology platform. It is all three at once, under common ownership. In June 2025, SpaceX received authorisation from India’s Department of Telecommunications, followed by a licence from IN-SPACe in July 2025. As of June 2026, Starlink’s commercial operations in India remain pending, with the company in active discussions with the Government of India on security clearances, a process slowed by concerns linked to Starlink terminal use in the Iran conflict. That delay is itself revealing. A foreign company’s service continuity in India depends on negotiations that India does not fully control. Satellite communications, launch systems, and AI-integrated data infrastructure are the functional equivalents of roads and electricity grids in a digital economy. States that built those grids in the twentieth century retained control over access, pricing, and service continuity. States that depend on foreign corporations for digital infrastructure in the twenty-first century do not. The dependence question is already live for India India’s digital public infrastructure, covering Aadhaar, UPI, and the Ayushman Bharat Digital Mission, processes billions of transactions monthly. Aadhaar covers nearly the entire adult population, and UPI carries the bulk of India’s retail digital payments. The system’s design is sound: public architecture, state-controlled data governance, open standards. The next connectivity layer is the problem. TRAI data shows rural internet penetration at 44.2 percent as of March 2024, with only 3.8 percent of rural households connected through high-speed fixed infrastructure. Approximately 630 million Indians remain offline, with primary barriers being awareness, affordability, and limited local-language content, according to the Kantar ICUBE 2024 survey. That gap will not close through terrestrial fibre rollout alone. Satellite broadband, through Starlink, Eutelsat OneWeb, or Amazon’s Project Kuiper, will carry a large share of that load over the next decade. None of these are Indian entities. Their pricing decisions, service continuity choices, and data routing practices sit outside Indian jurisdiction. A farmer in Chhattisgarh receiving crop advisory data through a satellite connection does not know that a pricing decision made in California affects whether that signal arrives tomorrow. She will notice only when it stops. Foreign private capital has built connectivity infrastructure in India before. Reliance Jio brought down mobile data costs after its 2016 launch, extending internet access to hundreds of millions of Indians who had not been able to afford it before. Jio’s rollout also created large-scale domestic employment in network maintenance, retail, and customer service, jobs that remain within India’s economy. Private investment in connectivity is not a threat to sovereignty. Structural Gap The difference with SpaceX is structural. Jio operates under Indian law, pays taxes in India, employs Indian engineers, and answers to Indian regulators when disputes arise. Its towers and fibre sit on Indian soil. Starlink’s constellation orbits at 550 kilometres, outside any single national jurisdiction. Under the Telecommunications Act 2023, existing Starlink operators in India continue under the legacy Unified Licence framework, with their licences remaining valid. But no Indian regulatory instrument contains a binding service continuity obligation for satellite operators. If Starlink suspends Indian operations, no domestic legal mechanism compels continuation or requires a managed transition for the users left without service. The $1.75 trillion valuation amplifies this structural gap. India’s external debt stood at $736.3 billion at end-March 2025, according to the Reserve Bank of India. SpaceX’s market valuation now exceeds India’s total external debt by a wide margin. A corporation at that scale does not face the same regulatory friction as a domestic operator. It does not need to negotiate from a position of dependence. India’s satellite communications framework, updated through the Indian Space Policy 2023 and the Telecommunications Act 2023, governs licensing and spectrum allocation in detail. It does not contain binding service continuity or exit-transition obligations for foreign satellite operators. That gap needs closing through explicit licence conditions before Starlink and its competitors reach commercial scale in India. India’s Semiconductor Mission has made genuine progress. Pilot production started in three plants in 2025, and the government confirmed that four plants commenced commercial production in 2026. Kaynes Semicon’s OSAT unit in Sanand reached commercial production in March 2026. India also inaugurated its first 3-nanometer chip design centres in Noida and Bengaluru in 2025, a step toward design capability even as fabrication capacity remains limited. These are real milestones, not announcements. They do not yet constitute a domestic supply chain for the advanced chips needed for satellite infrastructure, AI systems, or next-generation communications hardware. India’s domestic semiconductor market was approximately $45-50 billion in 2024-25, according to industry estimates cited by the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology. Closing the gap between consumption and domestic production is a decade-long task requiring sustained capital commitment. India’s competition framework does not treat foreign satellite infrastructure concentration as a market power question. The Competition Commission of India has a clear mandate over domestic pricing and merger activity. It has no instrument to act when a foreign entity’s control over orbital infrastructure creates de facto monopoly conditions for remote connectivity within India. That regulatory gap needs explicit legislative attention before dependence deepens further. Market Signals SpaceX’s $1.75 trillion valuation is not a data point about one company. It is a market signal about what global capital considers most valuable in 2026: not oil fields or shipping lanes, but control over the systems through which economies communicate, compute, and transact. India entered the hydrocarbon era as a net importer and spent decades building the Strategic Petroleum Reserve and domestic refining capacity to reduce that dependence. The programme continues to expand today, a reminder that infrastructure sovereignty is an ongoing commitment. The response was slow and expensive. It was also the right call. The digital infrastructure era has well and truly arrived. India is already a net importer of the connectivity and computing systems that will define the next phase of its economic growth. The SpaceX IPO makes the scale of that dependence visible in a single number. And policymakers do not have decades to respond this time. (The writer is an independent public policy researcher. Views personal.)

Durgavati: The Queen Who Stood Against the Mughal Tide

Updated: Oct 22, 2024

Durgavati

India has long been a land of valiant kings and queens who defended their realm against invaders for over a millennium. From the British Empire to the Mughals, India faced numerous challenges, yet the resolute responses from various kingdoms significantly curtailed the advance of foreign aggressors. Throughout this illustrious history, countless sons and daughters of Bharat Mata emerged as inspiring figures, some sacrificing their lives in the ultimate act of patriotism. The janjati (tribal) kingdoms and their warriors have consistently been at the forefront of this struggle. The contributions of figures such as Bhagwan Birsa Munda, Raghoji Bhangare, Tantya Bheel and Siddh-Kanho from the janjati community are well-acknowledged. However, the remarkable contributions of janjati women in this resistance often go unrecognized, overshadowed by their male counterparts, largely due to the biases of historical narratives. Alongside Rani Durgavati, women like Rani Fulkavar, the Phulo-Jhano sisters, Jhalkaari Bai, and Rani Gaidenliu have played pivotal roles in India’s freedom struggle.

On October 5, 1524, the birth of a princess in the Kalinjar fortress of the Mahoba kingdom brought joy to the realm. Named Durgavati by her father, the Rajput king Kirti Singh, she grew up witnessing his governance. Trained in military tactics and imbued with the instincts of leadership, Durgavati married Dalpat Shah, the eldest son of King Sangram Shah of the Garha-Mandla (Gondwana) kingdom, at the age of 20. In 1545, the couple celebrated the birth of their son, Vir Narayan.

However, this happiness was short-lived. King Dalpat Shah passed away in 1550, leaving young Vir Narayan, only five years old, under the guardianship of Queen Durgavati. Understanding the looming threat of Mughal invasion, she took decisive action to fortify her kingdom. Durgavati not only expanded her army but also forged alliances with neighbouring states to bolster her defenses. Her focus extended beyond military might; she actively promoted the welfare of her people, constructing numerous lakes to combat recurring water shortages for both irrigation and domestic use. She believed that a kingdom’s prosperity was intrinsically linked to the happiness of its populace. During times of drought, she cancelled taxes and aided her subjects. Many of the lakes she established still exist today, a testament to her foresight and commitment. Fondly referred to as ‘Mother’ by her people, Durgavati’s legacy of benevolence is chronicled by historian Abul Fazal.

Yet, the spectre of invasion loomed large, as foreign forces sought to dismantle Hindu states and their beliefs. Envious of Gondwana’s prosperity, Akbar sent an ultimatum to Rani Durgavati, demanding her surrender along with her chief minister, Aadhar Singh, and her prized white elephant. Unwilling to capitulate, she prepared for war. The Mughal forces, initially thwarted in two assaults, returned for a third, this time armed with artillery.

On June 24, 1564, Rani Durgavati sustained serious injuries from arrows shot by Asaf Khan, a commander in Akbar’s army. Witnessing their queen fight valiantly against overwhelming odds, the morale of her soldiers began to wane as they saw her bleed. In a moment of despair, Durgavati commanded her trusted minister to end her life, stunning her warriors. Knowing capture would lead to enslavement, she took dagger and ended her life, sacrificing herself to protect her beloved Gondwana just three months shy of her 40th birthday.

This year marks the 500th anniversary of Rani Durgavati’s birth, commemorating the life of this extraordinary daughter of Bharat and ruler of the Garha-Mandala Gondwana kingdom. Her commitment to the welfare of her subjects and the defense of her homeland is an enduring legacy. In a contemporary landscape marked by foreign-funded disruptions, her spirit exhorts us to defend our motherland. Today, this battle consists of countering the divisive narratives propagated by external forces. While our armed forces stand ready to guard our borders, it is incumbent upon us to be vigilant guardians of Bharat Mata within our communities. The unity of Bharat’s people will be crucial in confronting these ongoing challenges.

Let us collectively pay tribute to Rani Durgavati and all the courageous janjati freedom fighters who valiantly defended the rich heritage and culture of our motherland.

(The writer is an official of Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram. Views personal.)

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