Thackerays’ ‘Taandav’ for trees, tigers

AI generated image Mumbai: Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray launched a sharp attack on the government for the systematic degradation of the state’s environment under the garb of development, even as the climate change poses a direct threat to the environment, economy, agriculture, public health and the future of both rural and urban centres. Questioning the state government’s claims of having planted millions of trees, he rued how the World Environment Day has been...

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AI generated image Mumbai: Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) President Raj Thackeray launched a sharp attack on the government for the systematic degradation of the state’s environment under the garb of development, even as the climate change poses a direct threat to the environment, economy, agriculture, public health and the future of both rural and urban centres. Questioning the state government’s claims of having planted millions of trees, he rued how the World Environment Day has been reduced to an annual ritual of tree-planting drives and clicking selfies for social media, though 90 pc of the saplings don’t survive even a day. “Only the government knows where those trees really are,” said Raj sternly. He recalled a "Blueprint of Maharashtra’s Development" he had proposed in 2015, in which he advocated how development without environmental sensitivity is hollow. Justifying, he said that the consequences are visible where roads, bridges and infrastructure projects are hailed as achievements, but even a short spell of rainfall can paralyze entire cities. Referring to recent reports on farmers returning from the fields after 10 am due to the scorching heat, Raj said that the worsening climate crisis has become an everyday reality. Citing official statistics, Raj claimed that extreme heat has caused productivity losses of nearly USD 159 billion and slashing of 160 billion work-hours annually in recent years. He mentioned the World Bank estimates that India’s GDP could plummet by 2.5-4.5 pc while 57 pc of the country’s districts sheltering 76 pc of the population stare at serious climate-related crises. Taking a swipe, he said while the governments boast about growth figures and economical rankings, they are silent on the staggering costs of environmental destruction. He questioned the development model “whether flooded cities, washed-away crops and unbearable summers” genuinely indicate progress. Claiming that Maharashtra was increasingly becoming unliveable for upto 8 months in a year, he said excessive monsoon rains disrupt rural life and urban floods cripple cities, while extreme heat make normal life a torture in summers in both urban-rural areas. Targeting the Centre, Raj alleged that nearly 173,984 hectares of forest lands were diverted in the past 11 years for mining and infrastructure projects to benefit the PM’s single favourite Adani Group. He said that these lands amount to 1,730 sqkm, or equivalent to the area of 16 Sanjay Gandhi National Park (SGNP) that is spread over barely 104 sqkm. Dissolve state wildlife board: Aaditya Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aditya Thackeray has accused the Maharashtra government for issuing a permit to carry out mining activity in the sensitive tiger corridor between the Tadoba-Andhari and Indravati sanctuaries housing the big striped cats. In a strongly-worded letter to the National Tiger Conservation Authority (NTCA) Member-Secretary Sanjay Kumar, Thackeray sought his immediate personal intervention, sacking the Maharashtra State Board for Wild-Life (SBWL), revoking the permit, and probe against the Chief Wildlife Warden & Principal Chief Conservator of Forests (PCCF) M. Srinivasa Reddy for the alleged lacunae. Aditya’s two-pager says the permit has been granted for “scientific exploration and excavation/systematic recovery of low-grade iron ore in existing mines in villages Hedri, Bande, Parsalgondi and Round Parsalgondi, in the Etapalli taluka of Gadchiroli district”. Last January, Aditya – MLA from Worli – had first raised the issue saying that the proposed mine would create only 120 jobs, including 32 permanent, and the estimated output is pegged at 1.1 million tons in a year. Referring to two letters of Reddy – on April 28 and May 21 – the SS (UBT) leader claimed that in communications to the state government, the PCCF had changed his stance on the issue. Aditya said that in the first letter, Reddy had effectively opposed the government plans for mining activity but in the second letter, he took a somersault, ostensibly due to government pressures or some commercial interests, “the U-turn is disgraceful and detrimental to India’s national interest” – and this abrupt shift in stance must be investigated thoroughly. In view of the contrary stance of the PCCF Reddy, entrusted with protecting the wildlife but failing to defend the NTCA and NBWL, point to serious malfunctioning of the SBWL, and hence it must be dissolved, besides reviewing all its decisions in the past three years, particularly those pertaining to hazardous activities in sensitive areas, demanded Aditya. 444 tigers roam in 11,000 sq.km As per the Status of Tiger Report (2002), and the Maharashtra Economic Survey 2025-2026, the state boasts of 444 tigers prowling in the wild along with other menacing creatures. The state’s total protected wildlife network of 88 Notified Areas of National Parks, Sanctuaries, and Conservation Reserves - including 6 dedicated to the striped big cats – is spread over 11,092 sq. kms as per current data.

Dynasty Over Democracy: Bihar’s Politics Trapped in Family Legacy

Akhilesh Sinha
Oct 5, 2025
5 min read

From village constituencies to state assemblies, Bihar’s leadership is less a story of democratic struggle and more a tale of inherited crowns, where political families pass power through their lineage while genuine merit remains sidelined.

Observing the political landscape of Bihar, the question often arises whether democracy exists only in name, while its soul has been taken over by a reincarnated monarchy. The difference is only in form. In medieval times, kings and emperors gained dominance by defeating their rival on the battlefield. Today, the modern successors of these kings are political dynasties. Wars are no longer fought with swords, but with votes. Crowns are no longer forged in bloodshed, but in EVMs. However, the fundamental truth that remains unchanged is that the people, once considered royal subjects, now perform the ceremonial crowning of political heirs, despite the democratic label attached to the process.

Dynastic politics is nothing new in India. A son inherits his father’s seat, a daughter inherits an assembly constituency, a brother-in-law or nephew becomes a Member of Parliament, this is a political tradition widely prevalent across the country. A report by the Association for Democratic Reforms (ADR) indicates that, after Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Karnataka, Bihar stands out as a state where politics is based not solely on mass support but on family lineage. Here, political participation is now primarily a function of family names and caste equations, rather than democratic ideals or grassroots struggles.

Nepotism rife

This trend is so deeply ingrained that Bihar’s political class may take pride in being the fourth-highest in nepotism, but the reality is stark. The statistics are shocking, approximately 27 percent of Bihar's MLAs, Legislative Council members, and MPs come from political families. The situation is even more alarming for women, with more than half of all female leaders coming directly from political families. While women’s entry into politics is often hailed as empowerment, in Bihar, this empowerment is largely a product of nepotism. This tradition proves that women have extremely limited opportunities for independent political engagement. Therefore, the ‘feminist’ promise of democracy has become merely symbolic rather than an engine of equal opportunity.

At the national level, the Congress Party remains the most synonymous with dynastic politics. In Bihar, the Congress party lags somewhat behind in this dynastic race, yet 32 percent of its representatives are products of family inheritance. The Bharatiya Janata Party often criticizes dynastic politics, but it cannot resolve itself, 17 percent of its leaders in Bihar are from political families. The most significant contribution to this unwritten monarchy comes from regional parties. Fifty percent of elected representatives of the Lok Janshakti Party (founded by Ram Vilas Paswan), the Hindustani Awam Morcha, and allied regional parties come from family inheritances. The Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Janata Dal United (JDU) are not far behind, with approximately 31 percent of their representatives being dynastic in origin. Clearly, Bihar's politics is not so much based on ideology or conflict as on dynasties and continued family rule. And this tradition continues to thrive on public consent.

Political clans

Every district in Bihar has a similar story. Each constituency is dominated by a handful of families, whose dominance has endured for decades. Any discussion of dynastic politics in Bihar is incomplete without mentioning Lalu Prasad Yadav's family, which has become a symbol of political legacy. Rabri Devi, Tejashwi Yadav, Tej Pratap Yadav, Misa Bharti, and Rohini Acharya are all active in state and national politics.

Ram Vilas Paswan's legacy is being carried forward by his son, Chirag Paswan, while his nephews have also entered prominent political careers. Former Chief Minister Jitan Ram Manjhi's son, daughter-in-law, and even in-law have reached the legislative level. The legacies of leaders like Jagjivan Ram, Jagannath Mishra, and Anugrah Narayan Sinha have survived for generations. Karpoori Thakur's family is also carrying forward a political legacy. This clearly demonstrates that dynastic influence in Bihar politics has persisted for years, and new generations are carrying it forward. The tradition of inheritance in politics is no exception, but rather appears to be a natural order.

This phenomenon is more pronounced at the grassroots level. In Gayaji, the Manjhi family dominates. Jitan Ram Manjhi's son is a Legislative Council member, and his daughter-in-law and her mother are both MLAs. Powerful Yadav families dominate in Nawada. The political journey that began with Krishna Yadav has continued through his son, Ashok Yadav. Similarly, several generations of Yadav leaders, such as the family of Yugal Kishore Yadav, are deeply entrenched in politics. In Jamui, the descendants of freedom fighter Krishna Singh are still at the center of power. His son, Narendra Singh, has served as a minister, and his grandson, Sumit Singh, is a minister in the current Nitish Kumar government.

Political inheritance is equally strong in Shahabad and Bhojpur. Jagadanand Singh's son, Sudhakar Singh, is carrying forward this family legacy. Locals remember the stories of Ambika Sharan Singh and his son, Raghavendra Pratap Singh. The Tiwari family has held power for generations, from Ramanand Tiwari to Shivanand Tiwari and Rahul Tiwari. The dominance of dynasties in Mokama is linked to muscle politics. Suraj Bhan Singh, his brother Chandan Singh, and his wife Veena Devi have all contested elections. Strongman leader Anant Singh served as an MLA for five consecutive terms, and after his imprisonment, his wife Neelam Devi carried on this legacy. In Patna, Nitin Naveen, elected four times, holds ministerial positions, carrying forward the legacy of his father Naveen Kishore Sinha. Almost every district in Bihar is entangled in these dynastic chains.

Undeclared monarchy

Nepotism strikes at the very roots of the democratic spirit. In theory, democracy is based on merit, ideology, and the strength of struggle for the interest of people and the nation. In contrast, dynastic politics is based on inheritance and family succession. The effect is that new capable leaders, whose strength lies in vibrant struggle and new ideas, often find themselves marginalized. Electoral verdict today seems less like ideological contests and more like family feuds. And, by constantly choosing between competing dynasties, the public, knowingly or unknowingly, strengthens this undeclared monarchy.

The most important question is whether Bihar’s democracy will be able to break free from the grip of this undeclared monarchy? The answer to that is complex, to say the least. Electoral mathematics in the state still depends on caste equations and the traditions of political families. Unless voters prioritize value-based and merit-based leadership, there is little chance of change in the system. The irony is that the so-called Young Turks - whether Tejashwi Yadav, Chirag Paswan or Sudhakar Singh - are themselves products of the same family legacy that perpetuates this cycle. It is a harsh truth that unless voters themselves bring about a mental shift, the promise of democracy will remain confined to speeches and government papers.

Bihar stands at a strange crossroads today. Here, elections are now the coronation ceremonies of political dynasties rather than democratic celebrations. The public often thinks they decide the fate of power by voting, but they are inadvertently re-crowning families that have been entrenched for decades. This not only marginalizes emerging talent but also weakens and hollows democracy. The question that haunts Bihar today as it enters another poll cycle is when will democracy finally break these dynastic chains and truly return power to the people?