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By:

Abhiram Ghadyalpatil

10 May 2026 at 12:01:04 pm

Can Muslims Reimagine the BJP?

As the BJP expands its political dominance, Indian Muslims need to rethink old electoral assumptions in engaging with the BJP. It is fascinating to read Arvind Singh’s ‘India’s Rogue Historians: How They Fought Hindus at Ayodhya & Lost’ (Redux Publications) in the context of the Madhya Pradesh High Court’s recent Bhojshala judgment. Singh, in his 830-page tome, explains how India’s Muslims, persuaded by the cohort of Marxist historians, squandered every opportunity to reconcile with the Hindu...

Can Muslims Reimagine the BJP?

As the BJP expands its political dominance, Indian Muslims need to rethink old electoral assumptions in engaging with the BJP. It is fascinating to read Arvind Singh’s ‘India’s Rogue Historians: How They Fought Hindus at Ayodhya & Lost’ (Redux Publications) in the context of the Madhya Pradesh High Court’s recent Bhojshala judgment. Singh, in his 830-page tome, explains how India’s Muslims, persuaded by the cohort of Marxist historians, squandered every opportunity to reconcile with the Hindu side’s religious, historical, and legal claim over Ram Mandir in Ayodhya. In November 2019, when the Supreme Court (SC) awarded the entire site to the Hindus to build the temple to Lord Ram, it only built on a series of legal interventions including the 1994 SC judgment which ruled that “a mosque is not an essential part of the practice of the religion of Islam”. Singh writes that right from 1858 when the then caretaker of the mosque filed the first complaint seeking an order restraining Hindus from praying inside the ‘mosque’ which the Muslim complainant himself mentioned as ‘janmasthan’, Ayodhya presented innumerable opportunities to the Muslims to accept the religious, historical, archaeological, and legal superiority of the Hindu claim over the site. Throughout the legal trajectory of the Ayodhya case post-independence, India’s ‘eminent historians’ took it upon themselves to represent the Muslim side and effectively stopped them from reaching any legal or out-of-court settlement, reconciliation, or just a pragmatic acknowledgement of the merit in the Hindu side’s claim which the SC upheld in 2019. Rogue Historians Singh’s account is an instructive read about the Hindu side’s nearly 500-year old struggle to reclaim Ayodhya, particularly the post-independence era, against all odds including the narrative war that “India’s rogue historians” fought on behalf of the Muslims but lost eventually, in the context of two recent developments- one, the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) victory in West Bengal and Assam elections that has triggered a curiously cynical response that Muslims do not matter any longer to the BJP. Two—and a more direct outcome of the 2019 Ayodhya verdict itself—the Madhya Pradesh High Court’s judgment declaring the Bhojshala complex in MP’s Dhar district a “temple to goddess Saraswati”. The MP HC based its judgment on the 10-points emanating from the Ayodhya verdict. It also ruled that the 1991 Places of Worship Act, widely cited by the entire spectrum of Muslim petitioners to politicians to “secular” parties to the “eminent historians”, did not apply to the Bhojshala temple as it was a “protected monument” under the Ancient Monuments and Archaeological Sites and Remains Act of 1958, a set of monuments the Places of Worship Act does not apply to. The argument that the Muslims do not matter to the BJP has not been made for the first time nor are we likely to see this reductionist tendency to interpret India die down anytime soon. The BJP has won Bengal and retained Assam with even higher numbers despite the unfavourable demographics in many constituencies in these states. It indeed is a paradigm electoral shift in the sense that the BJP has finally denied the Muslim vote bank, if not the Muslims, the exercise of its veto power. In several state and national elections, the Muslim vote bank, and the fantastically self-styled secular parties who court this vote bank, have exercised this veto power to either deny the BJP a majority or even a shot at power. Assam and West Bengal have changed this and hence the cynical argument that the Muslims (not just Muslim voters) do not matter to the BJP any longer. Cynical Template Why always use this reductionist template which gives just one task to the Muslims - defeat the BJP in elections? Why not ask Muslims to take a chance on the BJP and vote for it? Given the viscerally polarised political atmosphere it probably is a big ask of the Muslims. But in that shines a political opportunity that has the potential to change this very cynical ‘BJP versus Muslims’ template of Indian politics. A suggestion has been made that all non-BJP parties build a coalition of Hindu voters and Muslims to take on the BJP. But in order to build that Hindu-Muslim coalition, won’t these non-BJP parties have to give up at least some, if not all, of their nauseatingly Muslim-appeasing politics? There is absolutely no sign that the non-BJP parties are even thinking on these lines. But the Muslims already have an electoral choice in the BJP. Like any other successful political party in a democracy, the BJP caters to its constituency, which effectively is the Hindu constituency. With West Bengal and Assam, the BJP’s Hindu consolidation is at its peak. So, there is no electoral incentive for the BJP at least in near future to change this Hindu maximisation matrix. But there is an incentive for the Muslims to consider the BJP as an option- it has the potential to make them stakeholders in BJP’s reign and perhaps incentivise the BJP to speak to the Muslims without appeasement. Can the Indian Muslims be politically bold and creative to take a bet on the BJP? A large part of the answer lies in the Bhojshala judgment. A court has just pronounced the structure as a temple to Saraswati based on the solid archaeological, historical, and religious evidence. The Muslim clergy and politicians have reacted exactly in the same manner they did to the Ayodhya ruling. Seven years after the epic Ayodhya judgment, a splendid Ram Mandir stands on the site taking nothing away from the Indian Muslims. Can the Indian Muslims distinguish themselves from their clergy and political leadership this time around and revisit some of their positions in an India that looks vastly different from what it did in 1992 or even 2019? (The author is a senior journalist and Executive Director of Rambhau Mhalgi Prabodhini. Views personal.)

Eastern Promise

In the long, uneven story of Mumbai’s transport modernisation, there are moments when intent finally aligns with necessity. The decision by the Mumbai Metropolitan Region Development Authority to revive work on Metro Line 14 is one such moment. It is, unequivocally, good news. But it will remain so only if urgency follows intent.


The proposed 43.69-km corridor from Kanjurmarg to Badlapur is a major corrective to a structural imbalance in Mumbai’s growth. For decades, the eastern periphery from Bhandup and Mulund to Ambernath and Badlapur has expanded in a manner that has far outpaced the capacity of its transport backbone. The result is a punishing daily ritual on the Central Railway suburban network, where overcrowding has become a design feature.


Metro Line 14 promises relief where it is most needed. With 24 stations, largely elevated, and multiple interchanges in linking with existing and proposed corridors such as Lines 4, 6 and 12, as well as suburban rail at Kanjurmarg and Badlapur, it is conceived as a connective transport tissue.


There is, however, a note of caution in the project’s recent history. The termination of the earlier contract with the Italian firm Metro Milano, following concerns flagged by Indian Institute of Technology Bombay, is a reminder that ambition must be matched by rigour. Faulty assumptions, whether about ridership, costs or engineering feasibility, can haunt projects long after they are commissioned.


Yet, prudence must not turn into paralysis. Mumbai has seen too many projects trapped in the amber of endless revision.


The stakes are high for the Maharashtra government here. With recent additions pushing the operational network beyond 100 km, the Mumbai Metro has now overtaken Namma Metro to become India’s second-largest metro system, behind the formidable Delhi Metro. This is no small achievement. It reflects a city finally beginning to invest at scale in mass transit. But rankings, while gratifying, are beside the point. The true test lies in whether the network reaches those who need it most.


In that sense, Line 14 is pivotal. It extends the promise of the metro beyond the island city and its immediate suburbs into the vast, fast-growing hinterland where affordability has pushed millions. These are long-distance commuters, often travelling from Badlapur or Ambernath, whose daily journeys can exceed two hours each way. For them, time saved is a restoration of dignity.


The government, therefore, must treat this project with the urgency it deserves. Timelines must be tight, accountability clear and decision-making must be swift. The administrative will to act on delays has been well-known in the past.


If executed with speed and care, Metro Line 14 could reshape commuting patterns, unlock new economic corridors and bring a measure of coherence to the region’s sprawl. This would be transformative in a city where distance has long dictated the destiny of hapless commuters. While the promise is evident, all that remains is the execution to live up to it. 


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