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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Trust on Trial

Mamata Banerjee’s EVM protest bodes ill for Indian democracy New Delhi: Mamata Banerjee’s EVM protest spotlights a deeper crisis. When constitutional officeholders question institutions like the Election Commission, it risks eroding public trust, blurring accountability, and weakening democratic legitimacy. The greatest strength of Indian democracy lies in its institutional credibility, the trust that assures citizens that the systems created by the Constitution are fair, transparent, and...

Trust on Trial

Mamata Banerjee’s EVM protest bodes ill for Indian democracy New Delhi: Mamata Banerjee’s EVM protest spotlights a deeper crisis. When constitutional officeholders question institutions like the Election Commission, it risks eroding public trust, blurring accountability, and weakening democratic legitimacy. The greatest strength of Indian democracy lies in its institutional credibility, the trust that assures citizens that the systems created by the Constitution are fair, transparent, and accountable. However, when those who occupy constitutional offices themselves begin to publicly express distrust in these very institutions, the issue transcends any single incident or individual and strikes at the legitimacy of the entire democratic framework. In this context, the events of the night between April 30 and May 1 in West Bengal demand serious reflection. Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee sat for nearly four hours outside an EVM strong room set up at a school in south Kolkata, where voting machines from the Bhabanipur Assembly constituency had been stored. Despite heavy rain, her decision to be physically present at the site, and to raise concerns about a possible “loot” of EVMs and “manipulation” during counting, inevitably raises several troubling questions. Her statements that “we are ready to risk our lives” and “we can gather 10,000 people at a signal.” Her words go beyond routine political rhetoric. They can be interpreted as a direct challenge to the credibility of India’s electoral process and to an independent constitutional authority like the Election Commission of India. In contrast, West Bengal’s Chief Electoral Officer Manoj Kumar Agarwal clarified that all eight strong rooms (seven containing EVMs and one for postal ballots) were fully sealed, under continuous CCTV surveillance, and accessible for monitoring by political representatives beyond a three-tier security perimeter. He further noted that the postal ballot room had been opened in accordance with established rules, with all candidates duly informed. At its core, this is not merely a factual disagreement but a deeper constitutional dilemma. When a sitting Chief Minister questions the impartiality of the Election Commission, the implications extend far beyond a single election. Such assertions risk casting doubt over the entire electoral history of independent India. Are we then to believe that democratic exercises over the past 75 years have been a mere façade? That governments, state or national, have been formed through manipulation rather than mandate? Or is this a political strategy aimed at shaping public perception amid electoral uncertainty? It is true that Mamata Banerjee is a candidate in the ongoing Assembly elections. But it is equally true that she continues to hold a constitutional office. This dual role makes her actions subject to greater scrutiny. The episode raises important questions that can an individual occupying a constitutional office stage protests against the very system they are sworn to uphold? Does such a position not entail a higher degree of institutional responsibility, regardless of political contestation? This brings us to a broader issue, the definition and responsibilities of a “public servant.” In India, administrative officials, police personnel, and members of the armed forces are prohibited from participating in public protests, precisely because they are expected to maintain institutional neutrality. Yet, elected representatives, Prime Ministers, Chief Ministers, ministers, and legislators, are also paid from the public exchequer. Should they be exempt from similar standards of restraint? If not, do they possess the moral or legal authority to publicly challenge constitutional institutions while in office? History suggests that this is not an isolated occurrence. Mamata Banerjee herself staged a three-day sit-in in Kolkata in February 2019 against a CBI action. Her protests against demonetisation in 2017 and against voter list revisions in 2024 and 2025 reflect a continuing pattern. Similarly, Arvind Kejriwal held protests in 2014 outside Rail Bhavan and in 2018 at the Lieutenant Governor’s residence. Ashok Gehlot and Bhupesh Baghel also joined demonstrations in Delhi against central investigative agencies while serving as Chief Ministers. Taken together, these instances reveal a growing pattern, individuals occupying constitutional offices engaging in public protests against institutional processes. This trend blurs the fine line between democratic dissent and constitutional propriety. While dissent is a fundamental democratic right, it becomes problematic when it undermines the legitimacy of the very institutions that sustain democracy. Another critical concern is the apparent “double standard.” When pension benefits and other privileges for administrative officials are curtailed or withdrawn, why are similar principles not applied to elected representatives, Members of Parliament, legislators, and ministers? If all are public servants, why this disparity in rights and obligations? This is not merely an economic question but one of ethical consistency and constitutional equality. It is evident that the Indian constitutional framework requires a clearer and more comprehensive articulation of the definition, responsibilities, and limits of public servants. This is not just a matter of legal reform, but of strengthening democratic culture itself. Those who hold constitutional offices are not only expected to exercise power, but also to safeguard institutional dignity and public trust. Democracy does not function on elections alone, but it runs on trust. And when that trust begins to erode, the greatest responsibility lies with those who wield power to restore and protect it. No scope for wrongdoing West Bengal Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) Manoj Agarwal on Friday asserted there is no scope for wrongdoing at the counting centres, stating that round-the-clock CCTV monitoring of strong rooms was in place. “One should have reason and evidence for making allegations,” he said, maintaining that the complaints made by TMC spokesperson and Beleghata constituency candidate Kunal Ghosh, are baseless.

Evoking Gods to Secure Votes

Updated: Nov 15, 2024

Maharashtra

While our Chief Minister may have put Maa Kamakhya Mandir of Guwahati on the ‘most sought after destination to fulfill your political dreams’ list, closer home Maharashtra too boasts of its inventory of gods, goddesses, and deities who have ‘helped’ shape the political careers of many leaders over the past decades.


This election season, though, the need for tantriks, astrologers, and pundits has escalated to surprising heights. Now that the election dates are announced and the candidate list finalised, the actual work begins, which is not campaigning but convincing the gods to work in your favour to win the elections by holding various kinds of pujas that range from Yagnas (fire rituals) to Balis (animal offerings).


A certain birdie informed me that the leader of one of the alliances in the Mahayuti sent a list of 25 of his candidates to a numerologist to check their chances of victory. Another leader in the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi party has increased his visits to the Dongareshwar mandir in rural Maharashtra.


Eighty-year-old Rudra Singh (name changed), one of the four living tantriks in the country, who is well-versed in the art of the occult, claims his calendar is blocked till November 20. A resident of New Delhi, he has over the last month made several trips to the state to hold Yagnas for many political leaders in their home constituencies.


He said that Yagnas like that of Samuhik Akarshan (public attraction) to Samuhik Samochan (public possession) are the most popular ones done by politicians to attract voters and win elections. “The Samuhik Akarshan Yagna is a four-and-half-hour-long process that includes a large congregation of pujaris who conduct this puja by offering the names of the number of voters in the candidate’s constituency through tarpan (offering of holy water to the souls of the ancestors). For example, if there are three lakh voters, then all the names are chanted in this puja, or when the candidate knows he needs only a few thousand votes to win, he offers those number of names in the tarpan only,” says Singh, further adding that the Samuhik Samochan ritual is conducted by many political leaders to ward off their opposition or enemies from spreading any mischief about themselves in public during elections.


Animal sacrifices in the form of goats, roosters, or even bulls, he says, are the most sought-after ceremonies conducted by candidates to get the results they need.


Apart from their homes and local temples, Singh says that Maharashtra has over 54 active religious sites to conduct such kinds of pujas. Other pujas that are known to reap political benefits are Yagnas, which are conducted in the name of the goddesses Baglamukhi and Dhumavati. He continues that there have been many requests to hold large-scale Yagnas devoted to the above two. Furthermore, Yagnas held in favour of Lord Batuk Bhairav and Lord Kal Bhairav, the tantric forms of Lord Shiva, are very much in demand, as these pujas are known to lead you to positive results.


Another astrologer from Kolhapur, Shyamlal (name changed), who confesses to being a strict follower of the Aghori (yet another tantrik form) sect, points out that though they have been bombarded with requests to hold various kinds of Yagnas that could lead to political victories, they are unable to perform them due to the lack of ‘pure’ and genuine experts. “There are a limited number of authentic Sadhaks or practitioners of these kinds of rites. Someone who is well-versed with the ten MahaVidyas is only equipped to perform these yagnas or sacrifices,” he says, pointing out that before performing these Yagnas, the practitioner needs to have completed 108 days of fasting and should have consumed and survived only on cow’s milk and fruits alone. He says the costs of hosting such yagnas too run in lakhs of rupees because of the cost of the materials used. “A yagna using cow’s pure ghee and original sandalwood is bound to be an expensive one,” he points out adding that they have many requests from Muslim candidates too. “For them, we use the Pandhara Ki Chowkadi, which means the ‘square of 15’. In this format, multiple numbers that makeup 15 in total are written in a square box 108 times either on paper or on the walls outside that of the opponents to weaken their intellect and health.”


While ancient rituals blend with modern aspirations, it seems the quest for divine intervention has become as vital as strategy and speeches. As the election approaches, one wonders—will the gods heed the calls, or will fate find its path?


(The writer is a journalist based in Mumbai. Views personal.)

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