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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

Nadda's strategic meet signals urgency for chemical sector

New Delhi: As war simmers across the volatile landscape of West Asia, whether in the form of a direct confrontation between Israel, United States and Iran, or through Iran's hybrid warfare involving groups like Hezbollah and the Houthis, the tremors are no longer confined to the region's borders. They are coursing through the arteries of the global economy. India's chemicals and petrochemicals sector, heavily dependent on this region for critical raw materials, finds itself among the earliest...

Nadda's strategic meet signals urgency for chemical sector

New Delhi: As war simmers across the volatile landscape of West Asia, whether in the form of a direct confrontation between Israel, United States and Iran, or through Iran's hybrid warfare involving groups like Hezbollah and the Houthis, the tremors are no longer confined to the region's borders. They are coursing through the arteries of the global economy. India's chemicals and petrochemicals sector, heavily dependent on this region for critical raw materials, finds itself among the earliest and hardest hit by this geopolitical turbulence. It is in this backdrop that the recent meeting convened by Union Minister for Chemicals and Fertilisers J. P. Nadda at Kartavya Bhavan must be seen not as a routine consultation, but as a signal of strategic urgency. India's ambition to scale this sector from its current valuation of $220 billion to $1 trillion by 2040, and further to $1.5 trillion by 2047, will remain aspirational unless the country confronts its structural vulnerabilities with clarity and resolve. India today ranks as the world's sixth-largest producer of chemicals and the third-largest in Asia. The sector contributes 6-7 percent to GDP and underpins a wide spectrum of industries, from agriculture and pharmaceuticals to automobiles, construction, and electronics. It would be no exaggeration to call it the backbone of modern industrial India. Yet, embedded within this strength is a paradox. India's share in the global chemical value chain (GVC) stands at a modest 3.5 percent. A trade deficit of $31 billion in 2023 underscores a deeper issue: while India produces at scale, it remains marginal in high-value segments. This imbalance becomes starkly visible when disruptions in West Asia choke the supply of key feedstocks, shaking the very foundations of domestic industry. Supply Disruption The current crisis has laid this fragility bare. Disruptions in the supply of LNG, LPG, and sulfur have led to production cuts of 30-50 percent in several segments. With nearly 65 percent of sulfur imports sourced from the Middle East, the ripple effects have extended beyond chemicals to fertilisers, plastics, textiles, and other downstream industries. Strategic chokepoints such as the Strait of Hormuz have witnessed disruptions, pushing shipping costs up by 20-30 percent and adding further strain to cost structures. This is precisely where Nadda's emphasis on supply chain diversification and resilience appears prescient. In today's world, self-reliance cannot mean isolation; it must translate into strategic flexibility. While India imports crude oil from as many as 41 countries, several critical inputs for the chemical industry remain concentrated in a handful of sources, arguably the sector's most significant vulnerability. Opportunity Ahead A recent report by NITI Aayog outlines a pathway to convert this vulnerability into opportunity. It envisions raising India's GVC share to 5-6 percent by 2030 and to 12 percent by 2040. If achieved, the sector could not only reach the $1 trillion mark but also generate over 700,000 jobs. However, this transformation will demand more than policy intent, it will require sustained investment and disciplined execution. The most pressing challenge lies in research and innovation. India currently spends just 0.7 percent of industry revenue on R&D, compared to a global average of 2.3 percent. This gap explains why the country remains largely confined to basic chemicals, even as the world moves toward specialty and high-value products. Bridging this divide is essential if India is to climb the value chain. Equally constraining is the fragmented nature of the industry. Dominated by MSMEs with limited access to capital and technology, the sector struggles to compete globally. Cluster-based development models offer a pragmatic way forward, such as PCPIRs and the proposed chemical parks.

From Bayonets to Bytes

India’s latest defence budget marks a decisive tilt toward technology, but the weight of men and pensions still anchors reform.

When India’s armed forces executed the Western Corridor offensive under Operation Sindoor in May 2025, the message was not merely tactical. It was fiscal as well. Precision strikes, networked surveillance and indigenous platforms revealed both the promise of home-grown capability and the urgency of accelerating technological change. The Union Budget for 2026–27 appears to have absorbed that lesson. With an outlay of Rs 7.85 trillion - the highest ever for the defence ministry - the government has signalled a shift from a manpower-heavy military inherited from the 20th century to a force designed for the multi-domain battles of the 21st.


In 2013–14 India spent Rs 2.53 trillion on defence. The latest allocation is nearly triple that sum. While some of this rise reflects inflation and the inexorable growth of salaries and pensions, the composition of spending suggests something more deliberate.


The most striking feature is capital expenditure. Nearly 28 percent of the total budget (Rs. 2.31trillion) has been earmarked for modernisation, a rise of around 22 percent over the previous year. By contrast, revenue expenditure covering operations, fuel, training and maintenance shows modest growth.


Revenue Bias

For decades, India’s defence budget was hobbled by what analysts called a “revenue bias.” Salaries and pensions crowded out modernisation. The Standing Committee on Defence (SCoD) repeatedly urged that at least 40 percent of allocations be devoted to capital expenditure and pressed for defence spending to reach 3 percent of GDP. The current budget restores spending to roughly 2 percent of GDP, short of the 3 percent benchmark. The tension between development and deterrence remains unresolved.


The structural strain is most visible in the Indian Army. Manpower-heavy and deployed along contested borders, it consumes a disproportionate share of personnel costs. Pensions alone are budgeted at Rs 1.71trn, supporting more than 3.4m veterans. Since 2013 pension outlays have grown at an annualised 11 percent, outpacing overall defence spending. The One Rank One Pension scheme, though politically popular and morally defensible, has thickened the pension tail. Pay and allowances constitute nearly 53 percent of the Army’s revenue budget, compared with 26 percent for the Navy and 38 percent for the Air Force. The Army remains people-intensive while the sea and air services are technology-driven.


Further pressure looms. The 8th Pay Commission’s recommendations, expected to take effect retrospectively from January 1, 2026, are likely to raise salaries and inflate future pension liabilities. Analysts expect revenue pressures to increase by 10–15 percent over the award period.


Strategic Logic

Yet the strategic logic of modernisation is compelling. India is the world’s fifth-largest military spender, with an outlay of roughly 86 billion dollars. But that pales beside China’s estimated 314 billion dollars. Although India maintains a comfortable conventional edge over Pakistan, it must prepare for the possibility of a two-front contingency, stretching from Himalayan borders to the Indian Ocean. In such a scenario, technology multiplies force more effectively than headcount.


The 2026–27 capital budget reflects that calculus. Within it, spending on ‘Other Equipment’ has risen by over 30 percent, pointing to investments in network-centric warfare, sensors and unmanned systems. Aircraft and aero-engines have received a 31 percent boost, intended to shore up the Air Force’s thinning squadron strength. With only 31 operational squadrons against an authorised 42, the service is fast-tracking induction of LCA Tejas Mk1A fighters, pursuing a multirole fighter aircraft deal for 114 jets, and expanding airborne early-warning and refuelling fleets.


The Navy, meanwhile, is inching towards its ambition of becoming a ‘builder’s navy.’ With 51 ships under construction, the commissioning of INS Aridaman and progress on Project 75(I) submarines and Project 17A frigates, it aims to field a fleet of over 170 ships by 2027. The maritime domain, increasingly contested from the South China Sea to the Arabian Sea, demands sustained investment.


The Army’s own modernisation priorities are shaped by experience. Lessons from Operation Sindoor and persistent border tensions have spurred focus on artillery upgrades, night-fighting capabilities, loitering munitions and high-altitude mobility platforms. Here too, technology is intended to compensate for terrain and numbers.


Research and development sits at the heart of this transition. The budget allocates Rs 29,100 crore to the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), up 8.5 percent from last year, with over Rs 17,000 crore directed to capital R&D in high-risk areas such as hypersonic systems and AI-enabled intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance. Yet the scale remains modest by global standards. China is estimated to spend around 44 billion dollars annually on military R&D (roughly 15 percent of its defence outlay) whereas India’s R&D accounts for barely 4 percent.


Roadblocks to Efficacy

To bridge that gap, the government has opened 25 percent of the R&D budget to private industry, start-ups and academia through initiatives such as iDEX and ADITI.


Indigenisation has progressed, albeit unevenly. Arms imports declined by 9.3 percent between 2015–19 and 2020–24, though India remains the world’s second-largest importer, accounting for 8.3 percent of global transfers. Russia’s share of Indian imports has fallen sharply, from 72 percent in 2010–14 to 36 percent in 2020–24, as France, Israel and the United States gain ground. Delays, quality concerns and bureaucratic inertia continue to hamper efficiency.


The broader security environment offers little comfort. From the Ukraine war’s technological lessons to the proliferation of drones and cyber tools, modern conflict is increasingly defined by precision, autonomy and data dominance. For India, straddling volatile land borders and contested seas, the imperative is stark. Fiscal caution cannot come at the cost of obsolescence.


The 2026–27 budget does not resolve every contradiction. Personnel costs remain heavy; the 3 percent-of-GDP aspiration remains unmet; procurement inefficiencies persist. But the direction of travel is unmistakable. After decades in which bayonets and battalions dominated the ledger, bytes and bandwidth are claiming a larger share. Whether India can sustain this momentum will determine whether Operation Sindoor was a harbinger of a new era or a fleeting flourish.


(The author is a Chartered Accountant with a leading company in Mumbai. Views personal.)

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