top of page

By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now,...

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now, educated Muslims are being picked out for orchestrated allegations and media campaigns. This doesn’t augur well for society and justice itself with the media playing the role of the judge and jury,” said Owaisi sharply. Flanked by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen state President Imtiaz Jaleel, Owaisi also emphatically said that it was wrong to link his party with the TCS case prime accused Nida Khan, “who will be ultimately proven innocent in the courts”. He expressed concerns over the slur campaign driven by malice and political motives against his party as well as Nida Khan in some sections of the media even before the investigations were completed or a judicial scrutiny. “Merely because some allegations have been hurled at a young woman professional, attempts are being made to paint her ‘guilty’ through media trials, even before judicial scrutiny. But, we have complete faith in the judiciary and are confident that the court will eventually exonerate her,” asserted Owaisi. Public Discourse Raising questions on the probe and accompanying public discourse with stress on the alleged recovery of certain ‘evidence’ from Nida Khan’s home, he sharply questioned: “Since when have a burqa, a niqab or religious literature become objectionable… Is wearing a hijab now regarded as evidence of a crime?” He said that these details along with baseless allegations are sensationalism in the media to create further prejudice against the minority community and reflected a deep-rooted hostility aimed at harassing educated Muslim men and women. Owaisi pointed out that a complaint in the TCS Nashik case was filed by a leader linked with the ruling party, and as per the software giant’s statement, Nida Khan was not with its HR Department and transferred even before the controversy erupted, contradicting several media reports. Of the nine cases lodged in the matter till date, in one case, she was accused of hurting religious sentiments, but nobody can comment on it before the court pronounces its verdict, he pointed out. Court Fight Dismissing attempts to drag and link the AIMIM into the row, he referred to a party Municipal Corporator Matin Patel who was booked merely on the basis of certain allegations and vowed to contest the matter in the court. Here Owaisi cited multiple examples of educated Muslims being scrutinised – including in Delhi when some educated youths were arrested for possessing a book by the legendary Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib and they were later released. There was another one from Allahabad where some Muslim boys were targeted for writing an Urdu ‘sher’ (couplet) prompting judicial intervention, and predicted that even in the Nashik TCS case, the truth will ultimately prevail as no criminal charges against Nida Khan may stand. AIMIM to set up voter help-desks AIMIM President and Hyderabad MP, Asaduddin Owaisi said his party is developing a digital application containing electoral records of all 288 Assembly constituencies in Maharashtra for 2002-2024, to help voters in the SIR process. For this, the AIMIM will set up help desk centers in its strongholds to facilitate the process and ensure proper utilisation of voter data. Alleging discrepancies in electoral records, he said such errors create huge problems for the voters, especially the poor or illiterates. Owaisi mentioned how of the nearly 27 lakh names placed in the adjudication list in West Bengal, “90 pc were poor Muslims.” These centers would be open for all Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, Dalits, Adivasis and the general public needing assistance with the electoral records.

A Ceasefire in Name Only

A fragile pause between Iran, Israel and America exposes the widening gap between diplomatic signalling and military reality.

By definition, a ceasefire is a temporary suspension of hostilities. In practice, it is often something murkier: a tactical pause, a diplomatic fig leaf or worse, a convenient illusion. The ceasefire announced on April 7 between Iran, Israel and the United States appears to belong firmly in this latter category. Less a bridge to peace than a pause pregnant with contradiction, it has already begun to unravel under the weight of competing claims, regional entanglements and strategic mistrust.


The timing itself was telling. The ceasefire came just before a deadline set by Washington for Tehran to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, the chokepoint through which a fifth of the world’s oil passes. Faced with the prospect of economic shockwaves and military escalation, all sides opted for a temporary de-escalation. Yet even as Washington and Tehran paused their attacks and declared victory, the fine print - or lack of it - quickly surfaced.


Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu asserted that the ceasefire did not apply to its ongoing operations in Lebanon against Hezbollah. Iran insisted that Lebanon was very much within the ambit of the agreement. This divergence struck at the heart of the ceasefire’s credibility. When Israel continued its strikes in Lebanon, Tehran responded by once again closing the Strait of Hormuz, effectively undermining the very premise of de-escalation.


The result is a ‘ceasefire’ in which each party appears to be observing a different set of rules.


The diplomatic effort that followed did little to clarify matters. Talks in Islamabad, brokered improbably by Pakistan, brought together delegations led by America’s vice-president, JD Vance and Iranian officials. If the ceasefire was fragile, the negotiations were stillborn. They collapsed almost as soon as they began, undone by familiar disagreements and a conspicuous lack of trust.


At the centre of the impasse lies a 10-point Iranian proposal, the details of which remain contested. Washington and Tehran have offered differing interpretations of what was agreed, if anything was agreed at all. One sticking point has been whether the ceasefire extends to Israel’s campaign in Lebanon. Another was that Iran demanded the release of its blocked financial assets and a halt to Israeli operations before substantive talks can proceed. Neither demand has been met.


Iranian officials, including parliamentary speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, warned early on that continued Israeli strikes in Lebanon could derail negotiations. That warning has proved prescient. By the time the delegations convened in Islamabad on April 11, the ground beneath them had already shifted. The talks ended without agreement, each side blaming the other.


Performative Diplomacy

Vance pointed to Iran’s refusal to accept what he described as reasonable terms, particularly a clear commitment to forgo nuclear weapons. Tehran, for its part, accused Washington of making “excessive demands and unlawful requests.” Israel, meanwhile, continued its military operations unabated, contributing to an atmosphere in which diplomacy seemed almost performative.


The broader picture is one of a conflict that has become both intractable and self-defeating. Strikes across Iran, Lebanon and parts of the Gulf have heightened the risk to critical infrastructure. Shipping through the Strait of Hormuz has been repeatedly disrupted, sending jitters through global energy markets. Gulf states, anxious about their own vulnerability, are demanding stronger guarantees for the security of their oil and gas facilities and shipping routes. Energy-importing countries, from Asia to Europe, are pressing for the restoration of free navigation.


Analysts have rightly described it as a welcome, if limited, step back from the brink. Yet it is also clear that none of the parties is winning. The costs are mounting faster than any plausible gains.


This asymmetry between costs and benefits should, in theory, create incentives for compromise. In practice, it has not. For Israel and the United States, any durable arrangement would require credible assurances that Iran will not pursue nuclear weapons and will restrain its regional proxies. For Iran, it would require guarantees against renewed strikes, relief from crippling sanctions, and recognition of its strategic interests.


Bridging these gaps will demand a degree of pragmatism that has so far been conspicuously absent. Israel and America would need to offer Iran credible security assurances and adhere strictly to agreed terms including those relating to Lebanon. Iran, in turn, would need to accept verifiable limits on its nuclear programme and refrain from using the Strait of Hormuz as a lever of coercion.


Equally important is the tone of engagement. The continued build-up of American forces in the region, coupled with bellicose rhetoric about “bombing Iran into the Stone Age” does little to foster trust. Such language may play well domestically, but it complicates diplomacy and hardens positions in Tehran. Conversely, Iran’s periodic closure of the Strait serves as a reminder of the leverage it wields and the risks it is willing to run.


Regional Dimension

The regional dimension adds another layer of complexity. Gulf states are not passive observers; they are stakeholders with acute vulnerabilities. Any miscalculation could trigger a broader conflagration. The margin for error is perilously thin.


As the American journalist Dorothy Thompson once observed, peace is not the absence of conflict but the presence of creative alternatives to it. For Iran, Israel and the United States, those alternatives remain elusive. Until they are found, ceasefires such as this one will continue to be what they so often are - pauses in a war that has not yet decided its purpose, let alone its end.


(The writer is a retired naval aviation officer and a defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)  


Comments


bottom of page