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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now,...

Educated Muslims being hounded: Owaisi

Mumbai: AIMIM President Asaduddin Owaisi has flayed what he termed as a ‘media trial’ in the alleged TCS Nashik conversion case and claimed that educated Muslims youth are being deliberately targeted as part of planned ‘hate campaign’, here on Saturday. Reiterating full faith in the judicial process, Owaisi said that justice cannot be handed out through media narratives or television debates and the law must be allowed to take its own course. “We are seeing a very dangerous trend… Now, educated Muslims are being picked out for orchestrated allegations and media campaigns. This doesn’t augur well for society and justice itself with the media playing the role of the judge and jury,” said Owaisi sharply. Flanked by the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen state President Imtiaz Jaleel, Owaisi also emphatically said that it was wrong to link his party with the TCS case prime accused Nida Khan, “who will be ultimately proven innocent in the courts”. He expressed concerns over the slur campaign driven by malice and political motives against his party as well as Nida Khan in some sections of the media even before the investigations were completed or a judicial scrutiny. “Merely because some allegations have been hurled at a young woman professional, attempts are being made to paint her ‘guilty’ through media trials, even before judicial scrutiny. But, we have complete faith in the judiciary and are confident that the court will eventually exonerate her,” asserted Owaisi. Public Discourse Raising questions on the probe and accompanying public discourse with stress on the alleged recovery of certain ‘evidence’ from Nida Khan’s home, he sharply questioned: “Since when have a burqa, a niqab or religious literature become objectionable… Is wearing a hijab now regarded as evidence of a crime?” He said that these details along with baseless allegations are sensationalism in the media to create further prejudice against the minority community and reflected a deep-rooted hostility aimed at harassing educated Muslim men and women. Owaisi pointed out that a complaint in the TCS Nashik case was filed by a leader linked with the ruling party, and as per the software giant’s statement, Nida Khan was not with its HR Department and transferred even before the controversy erupted, contradicting several media reports. Of the nine cases lodged in the matter till date, in one case, she was accused of hurting religious sentiments, but nobody can comment on it before the court pronounces its verdict, he pointed out. Court Fight Dismissing attempts to drag and link the AIMIM into the row, he referred to a party Municipal Corporator Matin Patel who was booked merely on the basis of certain allegations and vowed to contest the matter in the court. Here Owaisi cited multiple examples of educated Muslims being scrutinised – including in Delhi when some educated youths were arrested for possessing a book by the legendary Urdu poet Mirza Ghalib and they were later released. There was another one from Allahabad where some Muslim boys were targeted for writing an Urdu ‘sher’ (couplet) prompting judicial intervention, and predicted that even in the Nashik TCS case, the truth will ultimately prevail as no criminal charges against Nida Khan may stand. AIMIM to set up voter help-desks AIMIM President and Hyderabad MP, Asaduddin Owaisi said his party is developing a digital application containing electoral records of all 288 Assembly constituencies in Maharashtra for 2002-2024, to help voters in the SIR process. For this, the AIMIM will set up help desk centers in its strongholds to facilitate the process and ensure proper utilisation of voter data. Alleging discrepancies in electoral records, he said such errors create huge problems for the voters, especially the poor or illiterates. Owaisi mentioned how of the nearly 27 lakh names placed in the adjudication list in West Bengal, “90 pc were poor Muslims.” These centers would be open for all Muslims, Buddhists, Christians, Dalits, Adivasis and the general public needing assistance with the electoral records.

From Naxal Belt to National Stage: Sukma’s Health Care Revolution

Red Reckoning

Part 3


Our five-part series examines the rise and decline of India’s Maoist insurgency, once described as the country’s “greatest internal security threat” and the uneasy transition from conflict to control in its last strongholds.

In the rugged terrain of Bastar, long defined in the national imagination by security bulletins and encounter reports, a significant transformation is underway. In Sukma district, one of the most acutely Naxal‑afflicted and logistically challenging pockets of Chhattisgarh, a health‑care revolution is rewriting the narrative of violence and outlawry. Three health centres in Sukma have just been certified under the National Quality Assurance Standards (NQAS) by the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare, Government of India. Far more than a mere administrative success, this is a civilisational signal that the state’s development‑security‑service tripod is finally grounding itself at the grassroots.


The three facilities that have earned the NQAS seal are Primary Health Centre Buderi, Ayushman Arogya Mandir Gagpalli, and Ayushman Arogya Mandir Christianram. Each is a small node in the primary‑health‑care architecture of a district where the nearest city hospital can be several hours away by road, if the roads exist at all. Yet, these centres have crossed 70 percent on all eight NQAS domains of service delivery, patient rights, infection control, clinical care, hospital management, support services, documentation, and patient‑centred behaviour.


Quiet Governance

Sukma’s story is not just about infrastructure or audits; it is about political will and administrative persistence. In the last few years, the perception of Bastar has slowly shifted from ‘insurgency zone’ to ‘development‑frontier.’ The state government, led by Chief Minister Vishnudeo Sai, has treated the district as a priority for both security and social‑sector investment. The NQAS validation is the visible tip of that iceberg: behind it are upgrades in roads, communication, and power; the steady deployment of medical and paramedical staff; and the creation of an environment where health workers can function without fear of being targeted.


This is crucial because Naxal‑affected areas used to suffer from a double deficit: physical access and trust. Villagers were often cut off from district hospitals, and when they ventured out, they sometimes viewed the state’s health system as part of the same ‘system’ they were being coerced or alienated from by Maoist cadres. By bringing certified, quality‑assured care closer to their homes, the administration is slowly rebuilding that trust. The fact that these centres are now being held up at the national level sends a clear message: the ‘Naxal belt’ is not a dark zone excluded from India’s development map, but a terrain where good governance can and must be tested.


National Quality Assurance Standards (NQAS) are the Union government’s benchmark for quality in public‑health facilities across India. They are not cosmetic checklists; they cover eight core domains, each of which corresponds to a real‑world experience the patient has inside the hospital. From whether the facility is open and staffed to whether infection‑control protocols are followed, from how medicines and diagnostics are managed to how staff treat patients with dignity, NQAS measures the entire patient journey. Passing 70 percent on all eight standards is no small task, especially in remote, under‑resourced areas where absenteeism, stock‑outs, and security threats are constant.


The NQAS certification has a practical incentive layer: certified facilities become eligible for financial incentives under national health‑mission schemes. This additional funding can be used to expand outpatient departments, upgrade minor operation theatres, strengthen labour‑and‑delivery services, and improve diagnostic capabilities. In Sukma, this means that the money can be deployed to plug very tangible gaps, better ambulances, functional X‑ray and ultrasound machines, or more reliable electricity and cold‑chain storage. The result is not just ‘better hospitals’ in bureaucratic terms, but shorter travel times, fewer avoidable referrals, and higher confidence among villagers when they seek care.


Hygiene Culture

Behind the stamp of NQAS lies years of painstaking work. In Sukma, district officials have instituted a regime of continuous monitoring. Regular inspections, surprise checks, and periodic audits have become the norm, not the exception. Simultaneously, the supply chain for medicines and diagnostics has been tightened so that basic drugs and routine tests are available even when transport routes are disrupted. This logistical discipline is as important as any medical protocol: an NQAS‑certified facility is meaningless if it cannot retain personnel or keep its pharmacy stocked.


Equally important has been the institutionalisation of infection‑control and hygiene. In a remote tribal setting, where septic complications and water‑borne diseases are perennial threats, simple measures: hand‑washing stations, proper biomedical‑waste disposal, safe‑delivery protocols, and standardised sterilisation norms can dramatically reduce maternal and neonatal mortality. The NQAS certification signals that these centres have not only installed these systems, but also internalised them as part of daily practice. Staff behaviour with patients, respectful, courteous, and transparent has also been made a formal criterion, which is critical in a context where many villagers feel intimidated by even the smallest health facility.


The transformation of Sukma’s health centres has also been shaped by the Nyad Nellanar scheme, a targeted development initiative that focuses on the most backward and conflict‑affected areas. Under this scheme, the district administration prepared a special action plan aimed specifically at lifting these centres to NQAS standards. The plan was not generic; it addressed local constraints, shortage of specialists, difficult terrain, security‑related delays in supply chains, and accommodation and safety concerns for medical staff. By strengthening infrastructure, plugging manpower gaps, and ensuring steady availability of drugs and equipment, the administration built a foundation on which the NQAS certification could rest.


This is where the ‘Sukma model’ becomes instructive beyond Chhattisgarh. It shows that conflict‑affected districts are not hopeless black holes but areas that require a focused, centrally‑supported, and locally‑adapted strategy. The Nyad Nellanar scheme, combined with NQAS certification, creates a dual incentive: the state gets a visible quality benchmark, and the villagers get tangible improvements in care. Over time, such a model can be replicated in other Maoist‑affected regions of Central and Eastern India, from Gadchiroli and Gadchiroli‑like pockets to Jharkhand’s tribal belts.


The narrative emerging from Sukma is a statement about the state’s long‑term strategy for peace and stability. In the past, counter‑insurgency rhetoric often treated development as a side‑effect of security. In Sukma, the evidence is tilting the equation as security gains are being leveraged to deliver social‑sector outcomes, and those outcomes are in turn reinforcing the legitimacy of the state. This is a critical evolution, because only when the state can deliver basic services can it truly displace the appeal of armed groups that fill governance vacuums.


From a national perspective, Sukma’s rise to NQAS certification is part of a larger story of India’s rural‑health‑care modernisation under the National Health Mission. While much attention is given to high‑end tertiary hospitals in metros, the real litmus test lies in the remotest primary‑health‑care centres. When a facility in an erstwhile Naxal hotspot can match national quality standards, it signals that the architecture of India’s public‑health system is maturing. It also suggests that the centre’s quality‑assurance push is being taken seriously by state bureaucracies, even in the most difficult terrain.


The immediate challenge now is consolidation and replication. The three certified centres in Sukma must retain their standards through annual reassessments. At the same time, the district administration, and by extension, the Bastar division must extend this template to other primary‑health‑care facilities. The goal should not be to stop at three NQAS‑certified centres, but to make quality certification a norm rather than an exception.


In the long run, Sukma’s health‑care story can become a template for a broader ‘development first’ doctrine in conflict‑affected regions. The state must continue to invest in roads, connectivity, and school infrastructure, but it must also treat primary health centres as strategic nodes of state presence. When a villager can walk or ride a short distance to a well‑stocked, clean, and respectful clinic, the idea of the state as a remote, hostile entity begins to dissolve. That is the quiet, but powerful, revolution that Sukma’s NQAS‑certified centres represent.


(The writer is a political consultant and an international relations expert. Views personal.)

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