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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

From Outcry to Evasion

A government that claimed to champion survivors has instead perfected the art of institutional gaslighting.

KERALA
KERALA

In 2017, amid national outrage over the abduction and sexual assault of a young female actor in a moving car, the Kerala government formed the Hema Committee and promised a reckoning with the rot inside the Malayalam film industry. The panel, led by retired Justice K. Hema, held the trust of survivors who spoke in chilling detail about a culture of predation and complicity. What followed was hailed as a watershed in India’s regional cinema landscape. That moment has now been callously buried under bureaucratic apathy, political cowardice, and a staggering betrayal of trust.


The government-formed SIT’s recent admission in the High Court that all 35 cases based on the Hema Committee report had been closed ostensibly because survivors did not step forward to record statements is a masterclass in abdication of responsibility. Over 120 First Information Reports (FIRs) were filed, of which only 26 have led to charge sheets. Of the original 35 rooted in the Committee’s painstaking work, just one has resulted in a formal chargesheet against a makeup artist. The rest have evaporated in a cloud of official excuses and survivor silence. That silence, however, is not evidence of falsehood or exaggeration; it is the byproduct of fear, fatigue and a system that never wanted to protect women in the first place.


The collapse of the investigation is a study in the failure of the state to build a credible, compassionate and confidential mechanism for justice. Survivors were dragged into a process they did not sign up for. Some, like actor Maala Parvathi, assert they gave statements to the Hema Committee under assurances of confidentiality only to see those statements used to trigger police action. Others who did want legal recourse were met with delays, institutional apathy and the lurking threat of retaliation from powerful men in the industry.


The Women in Cinema Collective (WCC), whose sustained advocacy forced the government’s hand in 2017, has been left stranded. What makes this betrayal particularly galling is the performative progressivism Kerala’s government routinely peddles.


It claims to champion women’s rights in press releases and public panels while failing to protect the very women it lauds. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, who initially projected himself as a crusader for justice in the film industry, has maintained a conspicuous silence. Questions from prominent actors like Parvathy Thiruvoth have been met with the dead air of indifference.


The hypocrisy is staggering. In a state that celebrates high female literacy, the government has presided over a campaign of slow, deliberate erosion of a process that once offered hope. Its silence has empowered the powerful. The allegations against industry stalwarts, including actors like Mukesh and Siddique, and director Ranjith, were never seriously pursued. Instead, many women found themselves unemployable, shunned by the very ecosystem they had tried to reform. In the Malayalam film industry today, it is safer to be an accused than to be a whistleblower.


What began as a truth commission of sorts has morphed into a cautionary tale. Survivors who dared to speak up have lost livelihoods, reputations and the fragile trust they once placed in the state. And now, the government claims that it cannot proceed because these same women are no longer coming forward. That is institutional gaslighting.


What was once branded a revolution is now a retreat. And what of the Hema Committee’s 300-page report, which was a damning indictment of gendered abuse, exploitation and silence in Malayalam cinema? Its redacted release came only after High Court intervention and RTI pressure. Even then, the promised reforms have been stuck in cold storage.


Kerala has long prided itself on being different from the rest of India: more literate, more progressive, more egalitarian. But when it comes to protecting women in the workplace, particularly one as powerful and patriarchal as the film industry, it has shown itself to be depressingly familiar.


Unless the government restores the faith, it has so thoroughly squandered, it will have succeeded in scripting its most cynical cover-up yet.

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