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By:

Naresh Kamath

5 November 2024 at 5:30:38 am

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief...

Battle royale at Prabhadevi-Mahim belt

Amidst cut-throat competition, five seats up for grabs Mumbai: South Central Mumbai’s Prabhadevi-Mahim belt, an epicentre of Mumbai’s politics, promises a cut-throat competition as the two combines – Mahayuti and the Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) combine – sweat it out in the upcoming BrihanMumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) polls. It is the same ward where Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray used to address mammoth rallies at Shivaji Park and also the residence of MNS chief Raj Thackeray. This belt has five wards and boasts of famous landmarks like the Siddhivinayak temple, Mahim Dargah and Mahim Church, and Chaityabhoomi, along with the Sena Bhavan, the headquarters of Shiv Sena (UBT) combine. This belt is dominated by the Maharashtrians, and hence the Shiv Sena (UBT)-MNS has been vocal about upholding the Marathi pride. This narrative is being challenged by Shiv Sena (Shinde) leader Sada Sarvankar, who is at the front. In fact, Sada has fielded both his children Samadhan and Priya, from two of these five wards. Take the case of Ward number 192, where the MNS has fielded Yeshwant Killedar, who was the first MNS candidate announced by its chief, Raj Thackeray. This announcement created a controversy as former Shiv Sena (UBT) corporator Priti Patankar overnight jumped to the Eknath Shinde camp and secured a ticket. This raised heckles among the existing Shiv Sena (Shinde) loyalists who raised objections. “We worked hard for the party for years, and here Priti has been thrust on us. My name was considered till the last moment, and overnight everything changed,” rued Kunal Wadekar, a Sada Sarvankar loyalist. ‘Dadar Neglected’ Killedar said that Dadar has been neglected for years. “The people in chawls don’t get proper water supply, and traffic is in doldrums,” said Killadar. Ward number 191 Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vishaka Raut, former Mumbai mayor, is locked in a tough fight against Priya Sarvankar, who is fighting on the Shiv Sena (Shinde) ticket. Priya’s brother Samadhan is fighting for his second term from neighbouring ward 194 against Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Nishikant Shinde. Nishikant is the brother of legislator Sunil Shinde, a popular figure in this belt who vacated his Worli seat to accommodate Sena leader Aaditya Thackeray. Sada Sarvankar exudes confidence that both his children will be victorious. “Samadhan has served the people with all his dedication so much that he put his life at stake during the Covid-19 epidemic,” said Sada. “Priya has worked very hard for years and has secured this seat on merit. She will win, as people want a fresh face who will redress their grievances, as Vishaka Raut has been ineffective,” he added. He says the Mahayuti will Ward number 190 is the only ward where the BJP was the winner last term (2017) in this area, and the party has once nominated its candidate, Sheetal Gambhir Desai. Sheetal is being challenged by Shiv Sena (UBT) candidate Vaishali Patankar. Sheetal vouches for the BJP, saying it’s time to replace the Shiv Sena (UBT) from the BMC. “They did nothing in the last 25 years, and people should now give a chance to the BJP,” said Sheetal. Incidentally, Sheetal is the daughter of Suresh Gambhir, a hardcore Shiv Sena founder Bal Thackeray loyalist, who has been a Mahim legislator for 4 terms and even won the 1985 BMC with the highest margin in Mumbai. In the neighbouring ward number 182, Shiv Sena (UBT) has given a ticket to former mayor and veteran corporator Milind Vaidya. He is being challenged by BJP candidate Rajan Parkar. Like the rest of Mumbai, this belt is also plagued by inadequate infrastructure to support the large-scale redevelopment projects. The traffic is in the doldrums, especially due to the closure of the Elphinstone bridge. There are thousands of old buildings and chawls which are in an extremely dilapidated state. The belt is significant, as top leaders like Manohar Joshi, Diwakar Raote and Suresh Gambhir have dominated local politics for years. In fact, Shiv Sena party’s first Chief Minister, Manohar Joshi, hailed from this belt.

From Outcry to Evasion

A government that claimed to champion survivors has instead perfected the art of institutional gaslighting.

KERALA
KERALA

In 2017, amid national outrage over the abduction and sexual assault of a young female actor in a moving car, the Kerala government formed the Hema Committee and promised a reckoning with the rot inside the Malayalam film industry. The panel, led by retired Justice K. Hema, held the trust of survivors who spoke in chilling detail about a culture of predation and complicity. What followed was hailed as a watershed in India’s regional cinema landscape. That moment has now been callously buried under bureaucratic apathy, political cowardice, and a staggering betrayal of trust.


The government-formed SIT’s recent admission in the High Court that all 35 cases based on the Hema Committee report had been closed ostensibly because survivors did not step forward to record statements is a masterclass in abdication of responsibility. Over 120 First Information Reports (FIRs) were filed, of which only 26 have led to charge sheets. Of the original 35 rooted in the Committee’s painstaking work, just one has resulted in a formal chargesheet against a makeup artist. The rest have evaporated in a cloud of official excuses and survivor silence. That silence, however, is not evidence of falsehood or exaggeration; it is the byproduct of fear, fatigue and a system that never wanted to protect women in the first place.


The collapse of the investigation is a study in the failure of the state to build a credible, compassionate and confidential mechanism for justice. Survivors were dragged into a process they did not sign up for. Some, like actor Maala Parvathi, assert they gave statements to the Hema Committee under assurances of confidentiality only to see those statements used to trigger police action. Others who did want legal recourse were met with delays, institutional apathy and the lurking threat of retaliation from powerful men in the industry.


The Women in Cinema Collective (WCC), whose sustained advocacy forced the government’s hand in 2017, has been left stranded. What makes this betrayal particularly galling is the performative progressivism Kerala’s government routinely peddles.


It claims to champion women’s rights in press releases and public panels while failing to protect the very women it lauds. Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, who initially projected himself as a crusader for justice in the film industry, has maintained a conspicuous silence. Questions from prominent actors like Parvathy Thiruvoth have been met with the dead air of indifference.


The hypocrisy is staggering. In a state that celebrates high female literacy, the government has presided over a campaign of slow, deliberate erosion of a process that once offered hope. Its silence has empowered the powerful. The allegations against industry stalwarts, including actors like Mukesh and Siddique, and director Ranjith, were never seriously pursued. Instead, many women found themselves unemployable, shunned by the very ecosystem they had tried to reform. In the Malayalam film industry today, it is safer to be an accused than to be a whistleblower.


What began as a truth commission of sorts has morphed into a cautionary tale. Survivors who dared to speak up have lost livelihoods, reputations and the fragile trust they once placed in the state. And now, the government claims that it cannot proceed because these same women are no longer coming forward. That is institutional gaslighting.


What was once branded a revolution is now a retreat. And what of the Hema Committee’s 300-page report, which was a damning indictment of gendered abuse, exploitation and silence in Malayalam cinema? Its redacted release came only after High Court intervention and RTI pressure. Even then, the promised reforms have been stuck in cold storage.


Kerala has long prided itself on being different from the rest of India: more literate, more progressive, more egalitarian. But when it comes to protecting women in the workplace, particularly one as powerful and patriarchal as the film industry, it has shown itself to be depressingly familiar.


Unless the government restores the faith, it has so thoroughly squandered, it will have succeeded in scripting its most cynical cover-up yet.

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