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By:

Uday Jogalekar

13 May 2026 at 3:25:14 pm

From Pracharak to Minister: My Memories of Dilipda

Long before he became a minister, Dilipda had already earned our respect through his simplicity, discipline, and warmth. In 2007, my job brought me to Kolkata. Once there, I began attending the local RSS shakha and gradually became involved in Sangh work. I first met Dilipda during a visit to a swayamsevak’s home. Coincidentally, that same year, he had been appointed to our division. As everyone introduced themselves, Dilipda casually asked me in Marathi, “How are you finding Bengal?” Hearing...

From Pracharak to Minister: My Memories of Dilipda

Long before he became a minister, Dilipda had already earned our respect through his simplicity, discipline, and warmth. In 2007, my job brought me to Kolkata. Once there, I began attending the local RSS shakha and gradually became involved in Sangh work. I first met Dilipda during a visit to a swayamsevak’s home. Coincidentally, that same year, he had been appointed to our division. As everyone introduced themselves, Dilipda casually asked me in Marathi, “How are you finding Bengal?” Hearing a Bengali pracharak — a full-time RSS worker devoted to organisational work — speak fluent Marathi came as a pleasant surprise to me. From that moment onwards, my interactions with Dilipda increased, and I gradually began to understand the many dimensions of his seemingly simple personality. Coming from Maharashtra, where Sangh work generally faced non-violent opposition, adapting to Bengal — where the opposition was often violent — was not easy. In that atmosphere, I learnt from Dilipda how to remain enthusiastic while also keeping fellow workers motivated and active. I often accompanied Dilipda during his visits to our area. He had a remarkable ability to blend effortlessly into any household, warmly enquire about every family member, and make everyone feel as though he were one of their own. Before being appointed to Kolkata, Dilipda had served as an RSS pracharak in the remote Andaman Islands from around 1999–2000 until 2007. Based in Port Blair, he worked under difficult conditions despite limited travel and communication facilities, diverse tribes speaking different languages, and a local mindset that often kept outsiders at a distance. He would often share positive experiences from his years in the Andamans but never once spoke about the hardships he endured. Despite working in such difficult conditions, he never mentioned his personal discomforts. This ability to remain free of complaints despite adversity is a hallmark of a pracharak, and Dilipda embodied it completely. He possessed the rare gift of finding positivity even in challenging situations. Excellent Cook In Bengal during 2007, Sangh work had not yet expanded to the scale it has reached today. At times, pracharaks had to cook their own meals, and this had made Dilipda an excellent cook. Whenever he returned to the city from his travels, our group would eagerly gather to enjoy his khichdi. Our area, Bidhannagar, was located in Salt Lake, a relatively prosperous locality. Adjacent to it were a few underprivileged settlements, and we would occasionally visit the nearby market. To reach the market from Salt Lake, one had to cross a wooden bridge, where the toll was 25 paise for pedestrians and one rupee for bicycles. Observing the difficulties faced by people in those settlements, Dilipda once suggested starting some sewa (service) activity there. That eventually led to the establishment of a homoeopathic clinic in the locality. While setting up the clinic, Dilipda effortlessly guided us through every stage of planning — what arrangements were needed, how the process should be structured, and what challenges might arise. It felt as though the entire plan was already mapped out in his mind. As the clinic became operational, we began noticing the educational difficulties faced by the local children. English, science, and mathematics were particularly challenging subjects for them, which eventually led to the start of a study centre. The idea of involving engineers from Salt Lake’s IT companies also came from Dilipda. Later, by bringing together IT professionals, an “IT Milan” initiative was started, and many of them eventually became swayamsevaks actively involved in Sangh work. Remarkable Ability At the time, the CPM government was in power in Bengal, and there were many obstacles to conducting shakha activities. Dilipda constantly guided us on overcoming these challenges. He had a remarkable ability to identify work that could bring meaningful change, plan it carefully, and execute it with determination and effectiveness. Whether it was service activities, daily shakha work, or handling sensitive cases related to “Love Jihad", Dilipda consistently displayed dedication, clarity of thought, a fighting spirit, and an unwavering readiness to work tirelessly toward the objective. What amazes me even today is that a pracharak like Dilipda — someone far ahead of us in age, experience, and accomplishments — would interact so casually and warmly with ordinary swayamsevaks like us, placing a hand on our shoulders and speaking as though he were a close friend. In 2009, I was transferred back to Mumbai, bringing my Kolkata chapter to an end. Later, in 2014, I learned that Dilipda had been given responsibility in the BJP. And now, in 2026, the BJP forming a government on its own strength speaks volumes about its contribution and leadership. Today, Dilipda has become a minister, and many titles and honours will naturally be associated with him. But to us, he will always remain simply "Dilipda". (The writer is an entrepreneur based in Kalwa, Thane.)

From Reel to Real: Can Actor Vijay Rewrite Tamil Nadu’s Political Script?

An icon’s fanfare is no substitute for political substance in the world’s most theatrically competitive state.

Cinema and politics have long shared a complicated romance in Tamil Nadu. The state’s political landscape, ever so vibrant, has historically been shaped by the intersection of mass appeal and ideological fervour. In the post-independence era, Tamil cinema did not just reflect society but actively shaped political narratives, with actors stepping into politics as charismatic protagonists of change. M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) and J. Jayalalithaa remain emblematic of this phenomenon as stars who became power brokers, blending celluloid heroism with political strategy to build enduring legacies. Their careers underscored that success was not guaranteed by screen presence alone but required a savvy mix of grassroots organisation, ideological commitment and strategic alliances.


Though whispers of political ambition first surfaced in 2020, Vijay’s formal foray came only in February 2024, with the TVK’s launch heralded as a potential game-changer. His inaugural public salvo in Vikravandi saw him sharply criticising both the DMK and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), deriding their indecision on the National Education Policy as the behaviour of “kindergarten students.” While it was a bold remark, Tamil Nadu’s political theatre demands more than a few soundbites.


The political history of the state provides cautionary tales. MGR did not ascend overnight. His success was built on decades of association with the Dravidian movement, commitment to social justice, and shrewd organisational expansion. Jayalalithaa, too, transformed early scepticism about her political acumen into long-term dominance, combining grassroots connect with a highly disciplined party machine. Their genius lay in turning cinematic personas into political symbols while embedding themselves in the party apparatus and the popular imagination.


Tamil identity

The roots of this phenomenon trace back to the 1950s, when C.N. Annadurai’s DravidaMunnetraKazhagam (DMK) broke the Congress’s monopoly in the state, promoting Tamil identity, anti-Hindi agitation, and social justice as rallying causes. The DMK’s dramatic rise in 1967 came amid mounting opposition to perceived northern dominance, cultural imposition, and caste hierarchies. It was the first successful challenge to the national party after independence, reshaping Tamil Nadu’s politics into a battleground of regionalism and populism. By contrast, the AIADMK’s formation in 1972 was born of internal dissent within the DMK, led by MGR, himself an icon of popular culture and Dravidian ideology. His ability to merge mass appeal with political activism allowed the AIADMK to challenge and often supplant the DMK in subsequent decades, with Jayalalithaa emerging as a political titan in the 1990s. The rivalry between the two Dravidian giants has since defined Tamil Nadu’s political discourse, often eclipsing national parties like the Congress and BJP, which remain marginal forces in the state.


Conversely, the experiences of Sivaji Ganesan and Kamal Haasan offer stark warnings. Ganesan, lauded as one of Tamil cinema’s greatest actors, failed to convert public adulation into political influence. His political outings remained largely ceremonial, lacking sustained mass mobilisation. Kamal Haasan’sMakkalNeedhiMaiam (MNM), despite a high-profile launch and civic activism, has struggled electorally, unable to breach even the five per cent threshold in assembly polls. Today, MNM plays a marginal role, often reduced to aligning with the DMK rather than charting its own course.


Vijayakanth’s DesiyaMurpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) provides another sobering precedent. The party once looked promising, securing nearly 9 per cent of the vote in the 2006 assembly elections, challenging the established duopoly. Yet poor organisational depth, erratic alliances, and his eventual ill health led the party into political oblivion within a decade. The political arena, especially in Tamil Nadu, is unforgiving to those who mistake celebrity for strategy.


Vijay appears to have taken note of these historical lessons. His early political messaging emphasises Dravidian pride, social justice and anti-corruption - core themes that have long resonated in Tamil Nadu’s public discourse. But words, however well-crafted, must now be accompanied by action. The crux of TVK’s challenge is structural: transforming Vijay’s popularity into a disciplined political machine capable of sustained electoral engagement.


The paradox of Tamil Nadu’s political culture lies in its dual demand for star charisma and organisationalrigour. A fan base that fills auditoriums and floods social media is not automatically a political cadre. To contest and win, a party must build a presence at the booth level, nurture second-line leaders, and develop coherent policy positions that appeal beyond the spectacle of personal charisma. At present, Vijay remains the TVK’s singular political face which can be a potentially dangerous concentration of authority.


Speculation about a tie-up with the AIADMK persists, though such a move could undermine TVK’s claim of presenting a fresh alternative. Voters in Tamil Nadu, long accustomed to ideological battles between the Dravidian giants, will demand clarity: Is TVK a genuine political revolution or a repackaging of star power? Clear policy proposals on education, employment, industrial development, and social welfare will be essential to answer this question.


The Rajinikanth Factor

No discussion of Tamil cinema’s political ambitions is complete without the shadow of Rajinikanth. The superstar toyed with political plans for years, only to withdraw citing health concerns and the inherent unpredictability of the political process. His retreat highlighted a hard truth: Tamil Nadu’s electorate may revere stardom, but it does not easily forgive lack of substance or ideological direction.


Rajinikanth had toyed with the idea of ‘spiritual politics’ - a vision divorced from the deeply secular, anti-Brahmin, and social justice-oriented foundations of the Dravidian movement. His equivocation exposed the mismatch between celebrity persona and political ideology. Vijay now faces that same test. His challenge is not merely to represent nostalgia for cinematic greatness, but to ground his movement in tangible demands and ideological consistency.


Acid Test

The next assembly elections, scheduled for 2026, loom as Vijay’s first real political test. History shows that Tamil Nadu’s political shifts occurred when leaders created palpable waves—whether it was the DMK’s triumph in 1967, ousting the Congress on a wave of anti-Hindi sentiment, or the AIADMK’s spectacular entry in 1977, capitalising on the charisma and populism of MGR.


Yet, beyond electoral arithmetic lies the historical legacy of caste mobilisation and welfare politics.


The Dravidian movement itself was founded on anti-caste narratives, challenging Brahminical domination and uplifting backward castes. Welfare populism pioneered by MGR and later Jayalalithaa has redefined state-citizen relations, from subsidised food to social security schemes.


Vijay’s TVK will need to position itself within this historical trajectory else risk fading into irrelevance. For TVK to emulate such feats, it must first evolve from a one-man show into a party with institutional depth. This entails building local leadership, formulating credible policy platforms, and investing in organisational machinery that extends beyond flash-in-the-pan campaigns. The temptation to rely solely on Vijay’s star power will be a strategic folly.


Moreover, Tamil Nadu’s electorate has matured. Voters no longer respond simply to the cult of personality; they expect detailed positions on pressing issues: job creation in the face of a slowing economy, improving public education, reforming health infrastructure, and navigating caste dynamics that remain potent political fault lines.


As the curtain rises on this new chapter, the stakes are high. Will Vijay merely be a passing comet – bright and dazzling but ultimately ephemeral or will he succeed in crafting a political legacy that stands apart from those of his predecessors? The answer lies not in cinematic drama but in whether he can ensure discipline, a strong organisation and policy coherence.

(The writer is a Bengaluru-based political commentator. Views personal.)

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