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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

From Reel to Real: Can Actor Vijay Rewrite Tamil Nadu’s Political Script?

An icon’s fanfare is no substitute for political substance in the world’s most theatrically competitive state.

Cinema and politics have long shared a complicated romance in Tamil Nadu. The state’s political landscape, ever so vibrant, has historically been shaped by the intersection of mass appeal and ideological fervour. In the post-independence era, Tamil cinema did not just reflect society but actively shaped political narratives, with actors stepping into politics as charismatic protagonists of change. M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) and J. Jayalalithaa remain emblematic of this phenomenon as stars who became power brokers, blending celluloid heroism with political strategy to build enduring legacies. Their careers underscored that success was not guaranteed by screen presence alone but required a savvy mix of grassroots organisation, ideological commitment and strategic alliances.


Though whispers of political ambition first surfaced in 2020, Vijay’s formal foray came only in February 2024, with the TVK’s launch heralded as a potential game-changer. His inaugural public salvo in Vikravandi saw him sharply criticising both the DMK and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), deriding their indecision on the National Education Policy as the behaviour of “kindergarten students.” While it was a bold remark, Tamil Nadu’s political theatre demands more than a few soundbites.


The political history of the state provides cautionary tales. MGR did not ascend overnight. His success was built on decades of association with the Dravidian movement, commitment to social justice, and shrewd organisational expansion. Jayalalithaa, too, transformed early scepticism about her political acumen into long-term dominance, combining grassroots connect with a highly disciplined party machine. Their genius lay in turning cinematic personas into political symbols while embedding themselves in the party apparatus and the popular imagination.


Tamil identity

The roots of this phenomenon trace back to the 1950s, when C.N. Annadurai’s DravidaMunnetraKazhagam (DMK) broke the Congress’s monopoly in the state, promoting Tamil identity, anti-Hindi agitation, and social justice as rallying causes. The DMK’s dramatic rise in 1967 came amid mounting opposition to perceived northern dominance, cultural imposition, and caste hierarchies. It was the first successful challenge to the national party after independence, reshaping Tamil Nadu’s politics into a battleground of regionalism and populism. By contrast, the AIADMK’s formation in 1972 was born of internal dissent within the DMK, led by MGR, himself an icon of popular culture and Dravidian ideology. His ability to merge mass appeal with political activism allowed the AIADMK to challenge and often supplant the DMK in subsequent decades, with Jayalalithaa emerging as a political titan in the 1990s. The rivalry between the two Dravidian giants has since defined Tamil Nadu’s political discourse, often eclipsing national parties like the Congress and BJP, which remain marginal forces in the state.


Conversely, the experiences of Sivaji Ganesan and Kamal Haasan offer stark warnings. Ganesan, lauded as one of Tamil cinema’s greatest actors, failed to convert public adulation into political influence. His political outings remained largely ceremonial, lacking sustained mass mobilisation. Kamal Haasan’sMakkalNeedhiMaiam (MNM), despite a high-profile launch and civic activism, has struggled electorally, unable to breach even the five per cent threshold in assembly polls. Today, MNM plays a marginal role, often reduced to aligning with the DMK rather than charting its own course.


Vijayakanth’s DesiyaMurpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) provides another sobering precedent. The party once looked promising, securing nearly 9 per cent of the vote in the 2006 assembly elections, challenging the established duopoly. Yet poor organisational depth, erratic alliances, and his eventual ill health led the party into political oblivion within a decade. The political arena, especially in Tamil Nadu, is unforgiving to those who mistake celebrity for strategy.


Vijay appears to have taken note of these historical lessons. His early political messaging emphasises Dravidian pride, social justice and anti-corruption - core themes that have long resonated in Tamil Nadu’s public discourse. But words, however well-crafted, must now be accompanied by action. The crux of TVK’s challenge is structural: transforming Vijay’s popularity into a disciplined political machine capable of sustained electoral engagement.


The paradox of Tamil Nadu’s political culture lies in its dual demand for star charisma and organisationalrigour. A fan base that fills auditoriums and floods social media is not automatically a political cadre. To contest and win, a party must build a presence at the booth level, nurture second-line leaders, and develop coherent policy positions that appeal beyond the spectacle of personal charisma. At present, Vijay remains the TVK’s singular political face which can be a potentially dangerous concentration of authority.


Speculation about a tie-up with the AIADMK persists, though such a move could undermine TVK’s claim of presenting a fresh alternative. Voters in Tamil Nadu, long accustomed to ideological battles between the Dravidian giants, will demand clarity: Is TVK a genuine political revolution or a repackaging of star power? Clear policy proposals on education, employment, industrial development, and social welfare will be essential to answer this question.


The Rajinikanth Factor

No discussion of Tamil cinema’s political ambitions is complete without the shadow of Rajinikanth. The superstar toyed with political plans for years, only to withdraw citing health concerns and the inherent unpredictability of the political process. His retreat highlighted a hard truth: Tamil Nadu’s electorate may revere stardom, but it does not easily forgive lack of substance or ideological direction.


Rajinikanth had toyed with the idea of ‘spiritual politics’ - a vision divorced from the deeply secular, anti-Brahmin, and social justice-oriented foundations of the Dravidian movement. His equivocation exposed the mismatch between celebrity persona and political ideology. Vijay now faces that same test. His challenge is not merely to represent nostalgia for cinematic greatness, but to ground his movement in tangible demands and ideological consistency.


Acid Test

The next assembly elections, scheduled for 2026, loom as Vijay’s first real political test. History shows that Tamil Nadu’s political shifts occurred when leaders created palpable waves—whether it was the DMK’s triumph in 1967, ousting the Congress on a wave of anti-Hindi sentiment, or the AIADMK’s spectacular entry in 1977, capitalising on the charisma and populism of MGR.


Yet, beyond electoral arithmetic lies the historical legacy of caste mobilisation and welfare politics.


The Dravidian movement itself was founded on anti-caste narratives, challenging Brahminical domination and uplifting backward castes. Welfare populism pioneered by MGR and later Jayalalithaa has redefined state-citizen relations, from subsidised food to social security schemes.


Vijay’s TVK will need to position itself within this historical trajectory else risk fading into irrelevance. For TVK to emulate such feats, it must first evolve from a one-man show into a party with institutional depth. This entails building local leadership, formulating credible policy platforms, and investing in organisational machinery that extends beyond flash-in-the-pan campaigns. The temptation to rely solely on Vijay’s star power will be a strategic folly.


Moreover, Tamil Nadu’s electorate has matured. Voters no longer respond simply to the cult of personality; they expect detailed positions on pressing issues: job creation in the face of a slowing economy, improving public education, reforming health infrastructure, and navigating caste dynamics that remain potent political fault lines.


As the curtain rises on this new chapter, the stakes are high. Will Vijay merely be a passing comet – bright and dazzling but ultimately ephemeral or will he succeed in crafting a political legacy that stands apart from those of his predecessors? The answer lies not in cinematic drama but in whether he can ensure discipline, a strong organisation and policy coherence.

(The writer is a Bengaluru-based political commentator. Views personal.)

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