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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as...

MLC polls expose cracks in Mahayuti, MVA

AI Generated Image Mumbai: The upcoming Maharashtra Legislative Council (MLC) elections for the graduate and teacher constituencies have laid bare the deep-seated fissures within both the ruling Mahayuti and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) alliances. In a significant development that could have far-reaching political implications, multiple rebel candidates, including prominent figures with strong party affiliations, have defied alliance dictates to file their nominations as independents, setting the stage for high-stakes, multi-cornered contests. Mahayuti Turmoil The Mahayuti alliance, comprising the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena, and the Ajit Pawar-led Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), is grappling with rebellion on multiple fronts. In the critical Nagpur Graduates constituency, a traditional BJP stronghold, former BJP MLC and Nagpur Mayor Anil Sole has thrown a spanner in the works by filing his nomination as an independent candidate. This move directly challenges the official BJP candidate, Sudhakar Kohale. While the BJP leadership, including state president Ravindra Chavan, has attempted to downplay the situation, asserting that Sole has been "pacified," the former MLC's actions tell a different story. Sole's decision to contest independently is particularly significant given his long-standing association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and his previous stint as a BJP MLC from the very same constituency. The situation is equally complicated in the Amravati Teachers constituency. The Shiv Sena (Shinde faction) has officially fielded Kiran Sarnaik. However, adding to the confusion, Sangita Shinde, sister of BJP MP Anil Bonde, has also entered the fray, potentially splitting the Mahayuti vote. The opposition MVA is also facing its share of internal discord here. While the Congress has nominated Aditi Pohre, daughter of former minister Harshvardhan Deshmukh, the Shiv Sena (UBT) has fielded Dattatray Lahane. The presence of numerous candidates representing various teachers' organizations further complicates the electoral arithmetic in this constituency. Opposition Rebellion The Chhatrapati Sambhaji Nagar Graduates constituency has witnessed another surprise development. While the NCP's sitting MLC, Satish Chavan, was widely considered the frontrunner, the BJP's M.K. Deshmukh has unexpectedly filed his nomination as a rebel candidate, catching the Mahayuti leadership completely off guard. The MVA, too, is facing rebellion in this constituency. Although the seat was officially allocated to the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction), Shiv Sena (UBT)'s Dilip Ghuge has also filed his nomination, causing significant heartburn within the opposition alliance. The Pune constituencies present a microcosm of the larger alliance troubles. In the Pune Graduates constituency, the BJP has fielded Dr. Smita Jadhav, the daughter-in-law of Pratap Singh Jadhav, owner of the 'Pudhari' news group and niece of Congress leader Satej Patil. Adding intrigue to this contest is the fact that she is contesting against Harshada Deshmukh-Jadhav, the official candidate of the NCP (Sharad Pawar faction). However, the real drama is unfolding in the Pune Teachers constituency. The BJP's official candidate, Koustubh Gawde, is facing a formidable challenge from Mangesh Chiwate, a close confidant of Chief Minister Eknath Shinde. Chiwate, a former journalist who handled the CM's medical aid cell while Shinde was the CM, has claimed that his party leadership has provided him with the crucial 'AB' form, signaling official backing. Commenting on the chaotic situation, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis acknowledged that seat-sharing talks remained inconclusive in some areas but expressed hope that the alliance partners would eventually reach an agreement. The true picture of the electoral battlefield will only emerge after Friday, October 9th, the last date for the withdrawal of nominations. Until then, both alliances will be working overtime to contain the rebellions and present a united front, but the deep cracks exposed by these developments suggest that the upcoming MLC elections will be fiercely contested and highly unpredictable.

From Reel to Real: Can Actor Vijay Rewrite Tamil Nadu’s Political Script?

Sep 16, 2025
5 min read

An icon’s fanfare is no substitute for political substance in the world’s most theatrically competitive state.

Cinema and politics have long shared a complicated romance in Tamil Nadu. The state’s political landscape, ever so vibrant, has historically been shaped by the intersection of mass appeal and ideological fervour. In the post-independence era, Tamil cinema did not just reflect society but actively shaped political narratives, with actors stepping into politics as charismatic protagonists of change. M.G. Ramachandran (MGR) and J. Jayalalithaa remain emblematic of this phenomenon as stars who became power brokers, blending celluloid heroism with political strategy to build enduring legacies. Their careers underscored that success was not guaranteed by screen presence alone but required a savvy mix of grassroots organisation, ideological commitment and strategic alliances.


Though whispers of political ambition first surfaced in 2020, Vijay’s formal foray came only in February 2024, with the TVK’s launch heralded as a potential game-changer. His inaugural public salvo in Vikravandi saw him sharply criticising both the DMK and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), deriding their indecision on the National Education Policy as the behaviour of “kindergarten students.” While it was a bold remark, Tamil Nadu’s political theatre demands more than a few soundbites.


The political history of the state provides cautionary tales. MGR did not ascend overnight. His success was built on decades of association with the Dravidian movement, commitment to social justice, and shrewd organisational expansion. Jayalalithaa, too, transformed early scepticism about her political acumen into long-term dominance, combining grassroots connect with a highly disciplined party machine. Their genius lay in turning cinematic personas into political symbols while embedding themselves in the party apparatus and the popular imagination.


Tamil identity

The roots of this phenomenon trace back to the 1950s, when C.N. Annadurai’s DravidaMunnetraKazhagam (DMK) broke the Congress’s monopoly in the state, promoting Tamil identity, anti-Hindi agitation, and social justice as rallying causes. The DMK’s dramatic rise in 1967 came amid mounting opposition to perceived northern dominance, cultural imposition, and caste hierarchies. It was the first successful challenge to the national party after independence, reshaping Tamil Nadu’s politics into a battleground of regionalism and populism. By contrast, the AIADMK’s formation in 1972 was born of internal dissent within the DMK, led by MGR, himself an icon of popular culture and Dravidian ideology. His ability to merge mass appeal with political activism allowed the AIADMK to challenge and often supplant the DMK in subsequent decades, with Jayalalithaa emerging as a political titan in the 1990s. The rivalry between the two Dravidian giants has since defined Tamil Nadu’s political discourse, often eclipsing national parties like the Congress and BJP, which remain marginal forces in the state.


Conversely, the experiences of Sivaji Ganesan and Kamal Haasan offer stark warnings. Ganesan, lauded as one of Tamil cinema’s greatest actors, failed to convert public adulation into political influence. His political outings remained largely ceremonial, lacking sustained mass mobilisation. Kamal Haasan’sMakkalNeedhiMaiam (MNM), despite a high-profile launch and civic activism, has struggled electorally, unable to breach even the five per cent threshold in assembly polls. Today, MNM plays a marginal role, often reduced to aligning with the DMK rather than charting its own course.


Vijayakanth’s DesiyaMurpokku Dravida Kazhagam (DMDK) provides another sobering precedent. The party once looked promising, securing nearly 9 per cent of the vote in the 2006 assembly elections, challenging the established duopoly. Yet poor organisational depth, erratic alliances, and his eventual ill health led the party into political oblivion within a decade. The political arena, especially in Tamil Nadu, is unforgiving to those who mistake celebrity for strategy.


Vijay appears to have taken note of these historical lessons. His early political messaging emphasises Dravidian pride, social justice and anti-corruption - core themes that have long resonated in Tamil Nadu’s public discourse. But words, however well-crafted, must now be accompanied by action. The crux of TVK’s challenge is structural: transforming Vijay’s popularity into a disciplined political machine capable of sustained electoral engagement.


The paradox of Tamil Nadu’s political culture lies in its dual demand for star charisma and organisationalrigour. A fan base that fills auditoriums and floods social media is not automatically a political cadre. To contest and win, a party must build a presence at the booth level, nurture second-line leaders, and develop coherent policy positions that appeal beyond the spectacle of personal charisma. At present, Vijay remains the TVK’s singular political face which can be a potentially dangerous concentration of authority.


Speculation about a tie-up with the AIADMK persists, though such a move could undermine TVK’s claim of presenting a fresh alternative. Voters in Tamil Nadu, long accustomed to ideological battles between the Dravidian giants, will demand clarity: Is TVK a genuine political revolution or a repackaging of star power? Clear policy proposals on education, employment, industrial development, and social welfare will be essential to answer this question.


The Rajinikanth Factor

No discussion of Tamil cinema’s political ambitions is complete without the shadow of Rajinikanth. The superstar toyed with political plans for years, only to withdraw citing health concerns and the inherent unpredictability of the political process. His retreat highlighted a hard truth: Tamil Nadu’s electorate may revere stardom, but it does not easily forgive lack of substance or ideological direction.


Rajinikanth had toyed with the idea of ‘spiritual politics’ - a vision divorced from the deeply secular, anti-Brahmin, and social justice-oriented foundations of the Dravidian movement. His equivocation exposed the mismatch between celebrity persona and political ideology. Vijay now faces that same test. His challenge is not merely to represent nostalgia for cinematic greatness, but to ground his movement in tangible demands and ideological consistency.


Acid Test

The next assembly elections, scheduled for 2026, loom as Vijay’s first real political test. History shows that Tamil Nadu’s political shifts occurred when leaders created palpable waves—whether it was the DMK’s triumph in 1967, ousting the Congress on a wave of anti-Hindi sentiment, or the AIADMK’s spectacular entry in 1977, capitalising on the charisma and populism of MGR.


Yet, beyond electoral arithmetic lies the historical legacy of caste mobilisation and welfare politics.


The Dravidian movement itself was founded on anti-caste narratives, challenging Brahminical domination and uplifting backward castes. Welfare populism pioneered by MGR and later Jayalalithaa has redefined state-citizen relations, from subsidised food to social security schemes.


Vijay’s TVK will need to position itself within this historical trajectory else risk fading into irrelevance. For TVK to emulate such feats, it must first evolve from a one-man show into a party with institutional depth. This entails building local leadership, formulating credible policy platforms, and investing in organisational machinery that extends beyond flash-in-the-pan campaigns. The temptation to rely solely on Vijay’s star power will be a strategic folly.


Moreover, Tamil Nadu’s electorate has matured. Voters no longer respond simply to the cult of personality; they expect detailed positions on pressing issues: job creation in the face of a slowing economy, improving public education, reforming health infrastructure, and navigating caste dynamics that remain potent political fault lines.


As the curtain rises on this new chapter, the stakes are high. Will Vijay merely be a passing comet – bright and dazzling but ultimately ephemeral or will he succeed in crafting a political legacy that stands apart from those of his predecessors? The answer lies not in cinematic drama but in whether he can ensure discipline, a strong organisation and policy coherence.

(The writer is a Bengaluru-based political commentator. Views personal.)

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