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By:

Rajendra Pandharpure

15 April 2025 at 7:55:54 pm

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s...

The BJP’s Ganesha Gambit

Pune’s Ganeshotsav has become an enormous civic and political stage, and the ruling party has proved adept at occupying it. Pune: The city’s Ganeshotsav is entering its final phase, but the festival has already demonstrated something beyond its extraordinary crowds and familiar spectacle: the extent to which it has become a political stage. This year, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has left a particularly visible imprint on the festivities, using an event that reaches deep into the city’s neighbourhoods as an opportunity for public outreach. The political appropriation of the festival has not, however, been without a counter-current. Demands were raised for curbs on noise pollution, loudspeakers and the volume of dhol-tasha performances. The argument was not against Ganeshotsav itself, but for moderation - notably, a complete ban on DJ music and limits on the number of dhol and tasha instruments used by performing troupes. Familiar Troubles The festival’s reality has been rather different. Major roads have been occupied by mandaps. Processions celebrating the arrival of Lord Ganesha have unfolded amid punishing noise. DJ music, while subject to restrictions, has continued. Traffic congestion has become a familiar feature of the festival, with the movement of political leaders adding another layer to the city’s already strained roads. The Peth areas have remained crowded deep into the night. The Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Ganpati temple has drawn enormous crowds for darshan from the opening day. From the old city to housing societies and neighbourhood mandals, Ganeshotsav touches virtually every part of Pune. For a political party seeking a direct connection with citizens, few occasions offer such a ready-made network of people, institutions and local influencers. The BJP enters this festival with an unusually formidable organisational base. It has two MPs, seven MLAs and more than 100 corporators in Pune. Murlidhar Mohol, one of the city’s MPs, is a Union Minister of State. Chandrakant Patil is a Cabinet minister in the Maharashtra government, while Madhuri Misal is a Minister of State. The party’s presence also extends into the festival’s organisational architecture. Its influence is visible across numerous mandals, large and small. BJP MLA Hemant Rasane is General Secretary of the Shrimant Dagdusheth Halwai Sarvajanik Ganpati Trust. Kunal Tilak, a member of Lokmanya Tilak’s family, is a BJP corporator. The political and cultural histories of Pune therefore intersect in ways that are difficult to ignore. The BJP’s senior leadership has also made the most of the occasion. National President Nitin Nabin visited Pune to seek Lord Ganesha’s blessings, while Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis visited the city before and during the festival. Such visits are about more than religious observance. In a festival watched by millions and embedded in the city’s social life, political visibility comes almost automatically. There is also talk in Pune that the BJP provided substantial financial support to Dhol-Lezim troupes and their organisers, with claims that some major mandals received financial backing as well. These claims would require independent verification, but the perception itself points to the depth of the political contest around Ganeshotsav. BJP workers, according to local observers, have also sought to make their presence more conspicuous than that of festivities organised by housing societies. Useful Expedient The festival arrives at a politically useful moment for the BJP. The party has faced disquiet on several fronts. Young people have been agitated over the paper-leak controversy. Broader public dissatisfaction has been voiced over inflation and unemployment, while government policies relating to ethanol and charges associated with UPI transactions have also generated criticism. While a political party can defend a policy in a press conference and advertise its achievements, during Ganeshotsav, its workers can be physically present in neighbourhoods, among processions, mandals, cultural groups and devotees. Politics thus becomes less about argument and more about visibility. That is the BJP’s advantage in Pune. Ganeshotsav, after all, is not simply a sequence of religious rituals. It is an elaborate civic network involving local organisers, volunteers, cultural groups, businesses, residents and political representatives. Whoever has influence over that network acquires a powerful channel of communication with the city. The BJP appears to understand this particularly well. Its strength in Pune’s electoral politics has been reinforced by a presence that extends beyond elections and into the institutions and social spaces that organise public life. The irony is that the very scale of the festival that makes it politically attractive also magnifies the civic costs. The political value of Ganeshotsav and the civic burden it creates are therefore two sides of the same phenomenon. For Pune, the larger question is not whether politics has entered Ganeshotsav. It has done so for decades. The more consequential question is whether the festival’s extraordinary social capital will remain primarily a vehicle for political outreach or whether the same influence can be used to reconcile celebration with the ordinary civic needs of the city. For the moment, the BJP seems to have understood the first proposition better than most.

Gaza’s Water Wars Amid Trump’s Peace Gambit

Writer: Dr. Manisha Shrimali
Dr. Manisha Shrimali
Oct 9, 2025
4 min read

Without secure access to clean water, even the most ambitious ceasefire will be little more than a cease-fire.

Recently, U.S. President Donald Trump announced what he calls a ‘breakthrough’ in Gaza’s interminable war. The framework for an agreement between Israel and Hamas for the first phase of a peace deal includes a ceasefire, release of hostages, withdrawal of Israeli forces to a mutually agreed line and the opening of humanitarian aid channels. These developments foster cautious hope that more than just violence might be halted. But lurking beneath the headlines is an even more intractable crisis that may determine whether any future peace will hold. That is Gaza’s water system, which is presently dead on its feet.


Gaza is one of the most densely populated places on earth, squeezed between Israel, Egypt, and the sea. Its main source of fresh water, the coastal aquifer, has been degraded by decades of overuse and by saltwater intrusion. Much of the water that does reach people is polluted by untreated sewage.


Breaking point

The war that reopened in October 2023 has pushed this system past its breaking point. Fuel shortages driven by blockades and border restrictions have crippled desalination plants, pumping stations, wastewater treatment, and sewage networks. Reports show that over 85 percent of Gaza’s water and sanitation infrastructure is now either damaged or in partial disrepair.


For most Gazans, access to clean water has fallen far below even the bare minimum. Estimates range from only 3-5 litres per day per person for drinking and basic cooking needs. That is a fraction of the World Health Organization’s emergency benchmark of 15 litres. Meanwhile, nearly 96 percent of groundwater is deemed undrinkable, whether because of salinity, chemical pollution or sewage contamination.


Water in Gaza is not just a tool of survival. It has become a bargaining chip, a tool of coercion. The supply lines from Mekorot (Israel’s utility) once supplied up to 70 percent of Gaza City’s needs. But the damage to those pipelines in the ongoing war and the numerous blockades have sharply reduced that share.


To control water is to control life, or at least to make survival dependent on others. For any peace plan to take root, negotiators must somehow guarantee not just a ceasefire or a troop withdrawal, but reliable and sustainable access to water, power, fuel, and repair of broken infrastructure.


The articles and statements emerging from recent negotiations suggest that Trump’s deal includes a phased Israeli withdrawal, hostage exchanges and perhaps an interim governance mechanism for Gaza under international supervision. But governance over water and infrastructure has so far received scant public detail.


Perilous existence

Critics warn that unless control over fuel supply, electricity, and access for reconstruction is explicitly addressed, water access will remain unstable. If Gaza’s desalination plants cannot run, if its wells have no power, if its sewage cannot be treated and if transmission pipelines are unusable, then its daily survival will still depend heavily on external aid.


Needless to say, humanitarian urgency is paramount at the moment. Disease, malnutrition and death will not wait for diplomacy. Tens of thousands already face life-threatening shortages, and unsafe water spreads cholera, typhoid, and other preventable illnesses. Any peace deal that fails to deliver essentials - clean water, sanitation, electricity - is unlikely to be accepted by Gaza’s population, and hollow peace will further breed resentment and instability. Control over water provides leverage not only for humanitarian relief but also for regional influence; the U.S., Egypt, Qatar, Israel, and others can shape the balance of power depending on who oversees infrastructure, aid flows and utilities.


Scarcity of water is a proven catalyst for conflict, and in Gaza, water could either spark renewed hostilities or serve as the fragile anchor holding peace together.


For peace to endure, fuel and electricity for water and sanitation infrastructure must be guaranteed, because without power, desalination plants, pumps, and treatment works cannot meet daily needs.


Repair and protection of pipelines, wells, and sewage systems must be prioritised, with existing damage not only fixed but safeguarded against further disruption, and technicians, materials, and shipping granted safe and sustained access. Governance of water services must be transparent and accountable. An interim body, if agreed upon, should include water experts and ensure neutral oversight of tariffs, maintenance, and supply chains. Reliable cross-border and international aid flows are critical, with spare parts, chemicals, and generators reaching Gaza without interruption, and logistical agreements structured to survive diplomatic breakdowns. Finally, monitoring and accountability mechanisms must be in place, including independent audits of water quality and infrastructure integrity to guarantee transparency and prevent failures from being hidden or ignored.


Trump’s recent announcement of a first-phase Gaza peace deal is a first step in what has turned into the most violent conflict of our times. Yet, unless water systems are front and centre, the deal risks being undone by what it fails to deliver, rather than affirmed by what it wins.


For its longevity, any proposed peace deal in Gaza must grapple with pipes as much as politics.


(The author is a Mumbai-based educator and an expert on the Indus Waters Treaty. Views personal.)

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