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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after...

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after two-and-a-half years has hardened into a public confrontation between a chief minister determined to finish five years and a deputy increasingly unwilling to wait. The recent breakfast meeting between the two men at Siddaramaiah’s residence was presented as a truce where the ‘high command’ was invoked as the final arbiter. “There are no differences between us,” Siddaramaiah insisted, twice for emphasis. Few were convinced and soon, Shivakumar was again hinting darkly at change. For weeks, Shivakumar’s loyalists have been holding meetings, mobilising legislators and making pilgrimages to Delhi to get the Congress high command to honour its promise. They insist that the Congress leadership agreed to a rotational chief ministership in 2023 and that November 2025 was always meant to mark Shivakumar’s ascent. The high command, for its part, has perfected the art of strategic vagueness by neither confirming nor denying the pact. This suggests that the Congress does not merely hesitate to act against Siddaramaiah, but increasingly lacks the capacity to do so. From the outset of his second innings, Siddaramaiah has given no signal of easing aside. As he approaches January 2026, poised to overtake D. Devaraj Urs as Karnataka’s longest-serving chief minister, the symbolism is unmistakable. The mantle of social justice politics that Urs once embodied now firmly sits on Siddaramaiah’s shoulders. And it is this social coalition that shields him. His fortress is AHINDA - minorities, backward classes and Dalits. Leaked figures from the unreleased caste census suggest that these groups together approach or exceed two-thirds of the state’s population. Lingayats and Vokkaligas, once electorally dominant, are rendered numerical minorities in this arithmetic. Siddaramaiah governs not merely as a Congress leader, but as the putative custodian of Karnataka’s demographic majority. That claim is reinforced through policy. Minority scholarships have been revived, contractor quotas restored, residential schools expanded. More than Rs. 42,000 crore has been earmarked for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Kurubas, his own community, have been pitched for Scheduled Tribe status, with careful assurances that their elevation will not disadvantage others. DK Shivakumar brings organisational muscle, financial clout and control over the Vokkaliga heartland. In electoral campaigns, these are formidable assets. But in a confrontation with a leader who embodies a 60–70 percent social coalition, they are blunt instruments. The Congress high command understands this equation, even if it publicly pretends otherwise. It also remembers, uneasily, what Siddaramaiah did the last time his authority was constrained. In 2020, when the Congress–JD(S) coalition collapsed after 16 MLAs defected to Mumbai,13 of them hailed from Siddaramaiah’s camp. At the time, he held the post of coordination committee chairman. Instead, he emerged as the principal beneficiary of collapse, returning as Leader of the Opposition with a tighter grip on the party. If the Congress high command could not punish him then, it is doubtful it can coerce him now. Shivakumar’s predicament is thus more tragic than tactical. He is not battling a rival alone, but an entire political structure built to outlast him. The promised coronation looks increasingly like a mirage drifting just ahead of a man condemned to keep walking. For the Congress, the cost of this paralysis is already visible. A government elected on guarantees and governance is consumed by succession. The party’s authority is dissolving while its factions harden. The Congress returned to power in Karnataka after years in the wilderness, only to re-enact the same leadership dysfunction that has crippled it elsewhere. Regardless of whether Siddaramaiah survives this storm, it is becoming increasingly clear that the Congress cannot survive the slow corrosion of its command in one of the few states it holds today.

Govt has done a lot for Marathas, says Sreejaya

Sreejaya

Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar: Sreejaya, daughter of BJP MP Ashok Chavan and party’s nominee from Maharashtra’s Bhokar assembly seat, has said the opposition’s “false propaganda” will not work this time and asserted the government has done a lot to address issued faced by Marathas.


Sreejaya Chavan, who was earlier in the Congress and shifted her political loyalty to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) when her father, a former CM, joined the saffron outfit in February this year, was among 99 candidates named by the party in its first list for the November 20 state assembly polls.


A law degree holder, Sreejaya is making her electoral debut from the home turf of Bhokar in Nanded district.a


In an interview with PTI, she said her campaign team is cautioning voters about the “false propaganda” spread by the opposition during the recent Lok Sabha elections, which saw the BJP putting up an underwhelming performance and winning just nine seats in Maharashtra.


The ruling Mahayuti has done a lot to address the issues faced by the Maratha community, which is agitating for reservation in jobs and education, she noted.


She also touched upon the emotive issue of Maratha reservation which is widely believed to have contributed in the BJP’s poor showing in the Lok Sabha polls, especially in Marathwada, the ground zero of the quota stir spearheaded by Manoj Jarange-Patil.


“We are telling people in villages about the false propaganda unleased by the opposition during the Lok Sabha polls. So many issues were raised against certain sections of society. People are intelligent enough, and they understand these propagandas will not work anymore,” she said when asked about campaign issues and what her team is doing to avoid a repeat of loss in the Lok Sabha polls.


“The Mahayuti government has given a 10 per cent reservation to the Maratha community (in government jobs and education). Many youths from Bhokar have already benefitted with provisions made for Socially and Economically Backward Classes (SEBC) by the government,” Sreejaya Chavan insisted.


She dwelt on her political journey from the Congress to the BJP and her new role as the saffron party’s candidate from Bhokar.


“Our family has been working for long for the people in the constituency. After the switch over, ideological and thought process may differ a little bit, but we have always given preference to the people in our constituency. I am giving time to address demands of people in both rural and urban areas,” she maintained.

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