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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

Great Expectations

Tarique Rahman’s swearing-in as Bangladesh’s Prime Minister comes at a time when the country’s relations with India have never been more brittle. His ascent as PM marks the return of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) after years in the wilderness and the re-entry of a dynastic heir after 17 years in exile. Of all the nations in region, India’s eyes will particularly be on Rahman, given that Bangladesh has drifted strategically, politically and economically since the collapse of the old order in 2024.


At 60, Rahman becomes Bangladesh’s first male prime minister in over three decades, inheriting a political lineage forged by his parents - Khaleda Zia and the late Ziaur Rahman - but facing a landscape far less forgiving than the one they once dominated. The BNP’s landslide victory in February’s elections, securing a majority on its own and 212 seats with allies, masks a deeper unease in form of the rise of radical Islamist Jamaat-e-Islami as the second-largest force in parliament. This, coupled with the barring of the Awami League following Sheikh Hasina’s ouster, have narrowed Bangladesh’s political centre at precisely the wrong time.


Rahman’s first challenge is to urgently reset Bangladesh’s relations with India. Bangladesh’s prosperity, connectivity and security are inseparable from India’s goodwill, whether in trade, transit, power-sharing or counter-terrorism. Resetting ties is not merely a favour to New Delhi but an act of self-interest for Dhaka as well.


That reset must begin with a frank recognition of history. Bangladesh’s independence in 1971 was secured with decisive Indian military and diplomatic support. While gratitude need not mean subservience, Bangladesh’s amnesia – as has been seen in the rise of radical Islamist forces and the daily atrocities against the Hindu minority there - would be strategic folly. A BNP leadership that signals maturity by dampening the reflexive anti-India rhetoric and institutionalising cooperation – both absent during the caretaker Mohd. Yunus regime - would reassure investors and neighbours alike that Bangladesh is stepping back from the brink.


The second challenge is internal, and more delicate. Jamaat-e-Islami’s parliamentary strength gives it leverage, but not a mandate to reshape the republic. Rahman cannot afford the ambiguities that plagued earlier BNP governments, when tolerance of Islamist allies bled into indulgence of extremism. Containing Jamaat firmly, legally and visibly will be the clearest test of whether his government is a conservative nationalist one, or a vehicle for ideological drift.


The period under the Yunus caretaker regime has left Bangladesh’s economy weaker, its institutions in tatters and its politics unresolved. Regulatory drift, policy hesitation and a vacuum of authority have eroded confidence. Rahman thus inherits a downward slide that must be arrested quickly.


Rahman has been handed power at a moment when choices, not slogans, will define the country’s trajectory. If he resets Bangladesh’s ties with India, reins in the extremists and restores economic direction, then the country may yet reclaim its promise. But any equivocation or ideological indulgence would squander it.

 
 
 

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