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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Fadnavis reins in Sena’s Marathi push

AI generated image Mumbai: The ruling Mahayuti coalition in Maharashtra is witnessing a delicate political balancing act, with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis increasingly overriding key decisions of alliance partners, particularly the Shiv Sena, while simultaneously attempting to placate them on other fronts. The tension within the alliance came to the fore on Thursday when Fadnavis stepped in to dilute a controversial mandate enforced by Shiv Sena Transport Minister Pratap Sarnaik, which...

Fadnavis reins in Sena’s Marathi push

AI generated image Mumbai: The ruling Mahayuti coalition in Maharashtra is witnessing a delicate political balancing act, with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis increasingly overriding key decisions of alliance partners, particularly the Shiv Sena, while simultaneously attempting to placate them on other fronts. The tension within the alliance came to the fore on Thursday when Fadnavis stepped in to dilute a controversial mandate enforced by Shiv Sena Transport Minister Pratap Sarnaik, which required auto-rickshaw and taxi drivers in Mumbai to possess basic Marathi language proficiency. The Transport Department’s enforcement drive, which threatened non-Marathi-speaking drivers with suspension or cancellation of their licences, sparked outrage among North Indian drivers who form a sizeable section of the public transport workforce in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR). Protests brought parts of Mumbai, including Kandivali and Malad, to a standstill. Recognising the potential electoral fallout, Fadnavis intervened, saying drivers need not be “experts” in Marathi. He also extended the grace period for drivers to acquire a working knowledge of the language to one year, effectively diluting Sarnaik’s hardline stance. Fadnavis announced the decision after a delegation of transport operators met him. The episode highlights the conflicting political compulsions of the Mahayuti partners. Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena is keen to pursue a pro-Marathi, “sons of the soil” agenda to consolidate its traditional voter base and counter the rival Shiv Sena (UBT) faction led by Uddhav Thackeray. The BJP, however, relies heavily on North Indian and migrant voters in the MMR, particularly as crucial civic and state elections approach. Any aggressive regional policy that alienates this constituency could have electoral consequences for the party. The Marathi language issue is not an isolated instance of Fadnavis stepping in to override decisions associated with the Shiv Sena. It fits into a broader pattern of the chief minister’s administration reviewing or reversing several initiatives of the previous government headed by Shinde. In April 2026, the BJP-led Environment Department, headed by Minister Pankaja Munde, scrapped 14 lake conservation projects, 11 of which had been cleared during Shinde’s tenure, and ordered recovery of more than Rs 73 crore. The Fadnavis government has also modified several initiatives introduced by the previous regime. In January 2025, it altered Shinde’s three-course school meal plan, placing the responsibility on local school management committees to raise funds for sweet dishes. In April 2025, the government scrapped the ‘One State, One Uniform’ policy for schools. A Rs 3,200-crore tender for mechanised housekeeping services at government hospitals, issued under the Shinde government, was also stayed. Yet, Fadnavis remains conscious of the need to preserve the fragile alliance. To manage growing resentment within the Sena, he has adopted what can be described as a ‘blow hot, blow cold’ approach — overriding decisions when they clash with the BJP’s broader political interests while offering political concessions on other fronts. One such move was the recent appointment of Shiv Sena leader Bharat Gogawale as Guardian Minister of the politically important Raigad district, ending a 19-month-long tussle over the post. At the same time, the Mahayuti government recently reduced the powers exercised by Guardian Ministers over District Planning Committee (DPC) funds, directing that 70 per cent of the funds be allocated directly to local MLAs. The move is aimed at reducing the concentration of financial powers with individual ministers. As the Mahayuti navigates these competing interests, Fadnavis has also instructed alliance partners to resolve disputes internally and avoid public sparring. However, the latest confrontation over the Marathi language requirement underscores the limits of that arrangement. While Fadnavis continues to use his authority to protect the BJP’s broader electoral interests, the Shiv Sena remains under pressure to assert its regional identity and distinguish itself from the Thackeray faction. With elections approaching, balancing these competing political priorities is likely to remain one of the biggest challenges for the Mahayuti government.

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts

Patna: The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades.


Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence.


Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya.


Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022.


Controversy Man

With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes.


Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades.


Sharp Turns

Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar.


After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework.


Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited.


Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

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