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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

Green Rage in Sacred City

The proposed felling of trees in Nashik’s Tapovan has turned into a major political liability for the BJP ahead of the civic polls.

The religious city of Nashik, preparing to host the massive Simhastha Kumbh Mela, has instead found itself at the heart of a bitter political and environmental storm. The flashpoint is the proposed cutting of nearly 1,825 trees in the sacred Tapovan area to make space for the ‘Sadhugram’ - the temporary settlement for holy men. This seemingly local decision by the Nashik Municipal Corporation (NMC) has rapidly ballooned into a political crisis, putting Maharashtra’s Chief Minister, Devendra Fadnavis and his ruling Mahayuti coalition under immense pressure.


The Fadnavis government is struggling to manage a public relations disaster that threatens to derail its agenda and expose deep cracks within the alliance amid the ongoing local bodies’ elections.


Environmental Furore

The controversy blends environmental sensitivity with religious sentiment and commercial suspicion. Tapovan is considered the green lung of Nashik, a zone revered by locals as a site associated with Lord Ram’s exile. The city’s residents, supported by activists, view the trees as part of their heritage and their ecological defence against rising pollution and erratic weather. The breaking point came when the NMC not only announced the tree-felling for the Kumbh Mela preparations but also simultaneously floated a tender for a massive, permanent Rs. 220 Crore MICE Hub (business centre) on the very same holy ground. This dual action instantly fuelled public scepticism, leading to the inescapable conclusion that the government body was allegedly using the temporary need of the Kumbh Mela as a smokescreen to clear precious, holy land for a major commercial project. The citizens felt betrayed, believing their environmental and spiritual values were being sacrificed for a business deal. The scale of the proposed loss which involves the cutting of 1,825 trees has sparked a spontaneous, Chipko-style protest, with citizens physically embracing the trees marked for destruction.


Administrative Misstep

School children, local Hindu organizations, and environmental groups have all joined the agitation, turning the issue into a non-partisan battle for the soul of the city. The initial response from the government was slow, clumsy and politically defensive.


As leader of the state, Fadnavis had the opportunity to immediately step in, halt the process, and order a transparent review, thereby demonstrating environmental leadership and respect for public sentiment. Instead, the response was marked by a delayed and often contradictory defence. While the Chief Minister eventually stated that the government was opposed to “unnecessary cutting of trees,” he simultaneously attempted to downplay the severity, arguing that the land was largely vacant during the previous Kumbh Mela and that many trees were young plantations. This ham-fisted defence failed to address the core concern of the proposed commercial MICE Hub and the feeling that a local, sacred ecosystem was being destroyed.


This hesitancy and dismissiveness allowed the issue to fester, turning a local municipal error into a full-blown state-level political crisis. The speed and decisiveness that characterized the successful management of other megagatherings, like the Kumbh Mela in Prayagraj under a similar political dispensation, were visibly absent in Nashik.


The crisis has also laid bare the fragility and competitive dynamics within the three-party Mahayuti alliance. By failing to contain the controversy, the BJP has provided both its rivals and its uneasy partners with political ammunition. The strongest public criticism came not just from the Opposition, but from within the ruling camp itself. Deputy CM Ajit Pawar’s NCP faction, through its prominent member and environmental activist, actor Sayaji Shinde, issued a stark warning that he would “oppose the government” if it insisted on the proposed tree-cutting drive. Pawar himself then publicly called for a “conciliatory approach,” stressing that maintaining environmental balance was as important as development.


This public posturing was seen as an attempt served to distance the NCP from Fadnavis’ ‘blunder’ and win public goodwill at the expense of the BJP. Similarly, while Deputy CM Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena faction has not been as vocal, the public ire against the BJP gives the other two Mahayuti parties a chance to gloat at their ‘bigger brother’ being perceived as ‘anti-environment.’


External rivals, like the Congress, the Shiv Sena (UBT), and the MNS, have seized the moment, using the Tapovan controversy as a potent symbol of the government’s alleged greed and lack of empathy, a narrative that resonates strongly with the common voter.


The timing could not be more disadvantageous for the ruling establishment. With municipal and local body elections looming, the Tapovan tree-felling has become a powerful, highly visible local issue. The image of a government willing to allegedly bulldoze a community’s green heritage for a corporate centre is an emotionally charged narrative for local polls. The negative reports, protests and the public outcry now form the dominant backdrop against which the BJP and its allies will have to campaign. The widespread belief, as expressed by local citizens, is that the administration’s focus is skewed towards profit and construction rather than the preservation of Nashik’s unique identity and ecology. The failure to immediately and completely reverse the controversial decision, cancel the commercial tender, and involve local activists in an honest, transparent solution is translating directly into a loss of public trust that will undoubtedly be reflected at the ballot box. For Chief Minister Fadnavis, a leader known for his sharp political instincts and administrative grip, the Tapovan blunder represents a massive, self-inflicted wound. The cost of saving those 1,825 trees was a small investment in public relations and trust; the political cost of appearing to endorse their cutting for development is turning out to be shattering, undermining the unity of the Mahayuti government and providing a ready-made platform for the Opposition to campaign on. The crisis demands a decisive and transparent course correction to prevent the Tapovan controversy from defining the fate of the ruling alliance in the upcoming elections.


(The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

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