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By:

Reeva Sakaria

8 November 2025 at 3:04:18 pm

How transport systems make urban life easier

Did you know Mumbai commuters lose hundreds of hours every year not in distance, but in delays, waiting, and uncertainty. In Mumbai, commuting can feel like a challenge, but technology is quietly changing that. Intelligent transport systems (ITS) are helping people navigate the city more efficiently by combining real-time data, adaptive routing, and smart coordination across trains, metros, monorails, buses, and last-mile options. At the forefront of this transformation is Yatri, Mumbai’s...

How transport systems make urban life easier

Did you know Mumbai commuters lose hundreds of hours every year not in distance, but in delays, waiting, and uncertainty. In Mumbai, commuting can feel like a challenge, but technology is quietly changing that. Intelligent transport systems (ITS) are helping people navigate the city more efficiently by combining real-time data, adaptive routing, and smart coordination across trains, metros, monorails, buses, and last-mile options. At the forefront of this transformation is Yatri, Mumbai’s official local app. Using ITS, Yatri shows the best combination of transport modes in real time, provides accurate live locations of trains and metros, and even enables smart, easy metro ticketing via QR codes. The result: a commute that’s no longer an uncertain experience, but a predictable, stressfree journey. It’s 8:20 a.m., and you have a 9:30 a.m. meeting in BKC, at a place you’ve never been to before. You pause for a moment, weighing your options. Do you risk sitting in traffic in a cab, watching the minutes tick by, or take a train and hope you don’t miss it by a minute? Will one small delay early in the journey quietly snowball into being late? This familiar moment of hesitation is something countless commuters in Mumbai experience every single day. In a city like ours, peak-hour travel is rarely linear. A route that looks manageable on a map can quietly stretch from under an hour to well over 80 minutes, with average speeds during rush hour dropping to 10–15 km/h on key corridors. Over time, I’ve noticed how commuters adapt: leaving earlier than necessary, padding schedules with buffers, mentally preparing for delays, carrying the cognitive load of uncertainty long before the journey even begins. What often goes unnoticed is how strong Mumbai’s public transport network already is. Every day, local trains carry nearly 7 million people across the city. Metros cut through peak-hour chaos with steady, reliable travel times. Buses, autorickshaws, skywalks, and short walks quietly take care of the last mile. But in real life, the challenge isn’t availability—it’s coordination. When commuters are forced to mentally stitch together trains, buses, metros, and walking routes without reliable information, they default to what feels familiar rather than what’s efficient. Take a common rush-hour commute from Lower Parel to Andheri East. By road alone, this journey can easily take 75–90 minutes on a bad day as traffic slows unpredictably. But when modes are combined, walking to Lower Parel station, taking a local train to Andheri, switching to the metro, and finishing with a short walk, the trip often takes just 45–55 minutes. That’s a time saving of 30–40 minutes per trip. Over a five-day workweek, that adds up to 2.5 - 3 hours; over a year, more than 100 hours reclaimed, time that would otherwise be lost to waiting, guesswork, and congestion. According to a report by The Times of India, using real-time data and adaptive routing, intelligent transport systems can cut commute times by 30–40% and reduce congestion hours by up to 35%. Cities around the world that have adopted ITS are already seeing the impact: fewer hours wasted inching through traffic, and more time getting where people need to be. What excites me most is how commuters themselves are becoming part of the solution. An overcrowded train, a signal failure, or a last-minute platform change often unfolds in real time through shared updates. On Yatri chat, people flag delays, confirm train arrivals, and alert fellow travellers before official announcements. This two-way flow, where technology is strengthened by human insights, creates a living, responsive network rather than a static schedule. Yatri brings journey planning, metro ticketing, live train locations, and real-time travel information into a single platform, helping commuters navigate efficiently across local trains, metros, monorails, buses, and last-mile options without guesswork. By combining intelligent transport systems with real-time updates from both technology and fellow travellers, journeys become predictable, stress-free, and under control, making cities feel smaller, connections closer, and everyday life just a little easier to navigate. The writer is a co-founder of Yatri. Views personal.)

Guns or Gravitas: Trump’s Nigeria Gamble

Washington’s threat of military action over Nigeria’s spiralling violence reveals as much about American power as it does about Africa’s most turbulent giant.

Nigeria is reeling. Schoolgirls are vanishing from dormitories in the dead of night; worshippers singing hymns are being dragged into forests while entire communities brace for the next set of gunmen to arrive. Into this turmoil barrels an extraordinary threat from Washington with President Donald Trump declaring that the United States may enter Nigeria “guns-a-blazing” if Abuja fails to stop what he calls the “killing of Christians.” For Africa’s most populous nation and one of America’s closest partners on the continent, the warning lands like a thunderclap.


Trump’s declaration dramatizes a larger dilemma: should the world’s most powerful country should deal with Nigeria’s security meltdown through quiet diplomacy and capacity-building, or through muscular intervention that could reorder West Africa’s geopolitical balance? What looks at first glance like another Trumpian outburst is in fact a test of how the United States will wield power in a region increasingly contested by China, courted by Russia and convulsed by domestic insecurity.


The violence in Nigeria is neither new nor singular. It is the product of overlapping crises that stretch from the humid Atlantic coasts to the dusty edges of the Sahel. Three attacks within the span of a week, including the kidnapping of schoolgirls in Kebbi, the abduction of worshippers in Kwara and the assault on a Catholic school in the west are simply the latest jolts in a country that has recorded hundreds of kidnappings this year. In the first half of 2025 alone, nearly 900 people were abducted. Schoolchildren and worshippers have become favoured targets as they guarantee maximum outrage and a lucratively panicked ransom market.


Under siege

In the north-east, jihadist insurgents, chiefly Boko Haram and its ISWAP offshoot, continue their grinding campaign. In the north-west, heavily armed criminal syndicates, better organised and better armed than many paramilitary units, roam through forested corridors, treating rural communities as extraction zones. In the central belt, old land disputes between herders and farmers have metastasised into cycles of revenge killings. In the south-east, separatist agitation bubbles. While their motives differ, the results are the same - shattered families, displaced communities and a security architecture stretched to breaking point.


President Bola Tinubu, facing the gravest security challenge of his tenure, postponed his trip to the G20 summit in South Africa and ordered security forces onto their highest alert. He convened emergency meetings, promised rescues, and vowed that Nigeria would not be intimidated into paralysis. Yet Abuja knows it is losing the battle for perception. The symbolism of schoolgirls carried into forests and churches invaded mid-prayer plays poorly with global audiences. It gives easy ammunition to those abroad who prefer moral clarity over messy context.


Enter Trump, airborne aboard Air Force One, absorbing a Fox News segment claiming that Christians are being massacred in Nigeria. The broadcast distilled the sprawling national crisis into a single narrative of Islamist radicals killing Christians. It ignored the fact that extremist groups in Nigeria have killed more Muslims than Christians. But for a President skilled at converting televised outrage into policy, nuance was never a problem. Within hours, Trump had warned that the United States could launch a strike “fast, vicious and sweet” unless Nigeria “gets the killing of Christians under control.”


The warning came mere hours after painful Republican defeats in New Jersey, Virginia and New York - losses that left the President simmering. Trump has long fused foreign crises with domestic frustration, reaching for hard power abroad when political winds blow cold at home. A show of resolve on a distant continent is always thought as a tonic for electoral embarrassment.


The insult landed awkwardly in Abuja. Nigerian officials expressed shock that a close ally would issue such an ultimatum. Behind closed doors, senior Nigerian diplomats warned the State Department that public bluster could embolden militants and erode cooperation.


At first blush, Trump’s threat sounds like another demonstration of America’s unique reach. But Nigeria is not a fragile, isolated state that can be pushed about. It is Africa’s largest democracy, a G20 member, a regional economic engine and a vital American partner. Washington invests billions in energy, mining, technology and agriculture. It provides humanitarian aid and counter-terrorism assistance. It relies on Nigeria to stabilise West Africa, mediate with the Sahel and balance Chinese commercial expansion.


A unilateral American strike would rupture that relationship and likely achieve little militarily. The United States has neither the appetite nor the legal basis for a prolonged occupation or counter-insurgency campaign in Nigeria’s forests and savannahs.


American theatrics

The risks are broader still. An American intervention would hand jihadist groups a propaganda gift, enabling them to rally recruits with the charge that ‘Christian America’ is attacking Muslims. It would inflame anti-Western sentiment across the Sahel, where American and French forces have already been expelled by juntas in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. It would intensify Russian and Chinese courtship of African governments eager to hedge against Western pressure. Moscow, already supplying arms to Sahelian regimes, would seize on the chaos to expand its footprint. Beijing, Nigeria’s largest bilateral lender, would likely step up quiet diplomacy to present itself as a steadier, less intrusive partner.


Nigeria sits at the hinge of West Africa and the Sahel - regions currently undergoing seismic shifts. Coups in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have collapsed the Western security architecture painstakingly built over two decades.


Jihadist groups roam more freely than before. Climate change shrinks arable land and fuels migration. New maritime routes in the Gulf of Guinea offer opportunities for energy expansion but also tempt criminal syndicates.


In this volatile landscape, Nigeria remains the anchor. It leads ECOWAS, bankrolls regional peacekeeping and influences continental diplomacy. A destabilised Nigeria is not a Nigerian problem but an African one.


Great-power competition is now baked into this reality. Russia, through its paramilitary networks and arms sales, positions itself as a friend to embattled governments. China invests in roads, rail, ports and power, betting on Nigeria’s long-term economic potential. Europe sees Nigeria as a buffer against migration pressures.


This is what makes Trump’s threat so consequential. It sends alarming signals to allies and rivals alike that America is ready to act on impulse rather than strategy.


The most effective path is predictably old-fashioned diplomatic engagement anchored in security reform. That would mean the United States expanding training programmes for Nigeria’s counter-insurgency units, helping Abuja modernise policing, sharing satellite and drone intelligence to track militants and tightening sanctions on arms smugglers and financiers. It would also mean supporting Nigeria’s judiciary and local governments, which remain the weak links in the chain of accountability.


Developmental aid is another pillar. Many kidnappers are not ideologues but young men pushed into criminality by joblessness, collapsing agriculture, and failing schools. Crucially, any American engagement should operate through multilateral frameworks. Acting through ECOWAS or the African Union spreads regional ownership and reduces accusations of neo-imperialism. It also ensures that Nigeria’s sovereignty is respected.


Nigeria will judge Washington by its willingness to work through the patient, often unglamorous business of security cooperation and institutional support. If Trump means what he says, a precipitous strike would then risk compounding the volatility already spreading across West Africa.


For all the noise surrounding his remarks, the underlying priorities for the US are straightforward: reducing the frequency of kidnappings in Nigeria, improving local security responses and restoring public confidence in the state’s basic capacity to protect its citizens. Nigeria has much to do, but so does the United States, whose choices in the coming months will signal whether it intends to engage Africa with deliberation or with impulse.

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