Hindu symbolism reshapes UP’s politics

Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav offers 'prasad' to people on the occasion of Bada Mangal in Lucknow on Tuesday. Pic: PTI

New Delhi: In Uttar Pradesh politics, "saffron" has evolved from being merely a color to a potent political symbol encompassing power, culture, security, and social psychology. Once considered the distinctive identity of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), this color has now seeped into the lexicon of opposition politics as well. With the 2027 assembly elections on the horizon, this shift is becoming increasingly visible. Interestingly, on deeply cultural and religious occasions like "Bada Mangal," both the ruling party and the opposition are asserting their political presence through devotion to Lord Hanuman and other Sanatan symbols.

The national political landscape post the West Bengal assembly elections has sent a clear signal that the old narrative of "Muslim appeasement" is becoming electorally limited, while the politics of cultural nationalism and Hindu identity is gaining widespread public support. This is why parties like the Samajwadi Party and Congress are now increasingly navigating a path of "soft Hindutva" with relative ease in Uttar Pradesh.

Today, on the occasion of Bada Mangal, Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav shared an image of Lord Hanuman on his social media and recited lines from the Hanuman Chalisa-"Sab sukh lahe tumhari sarna" and "Sankat te Hanuman chhudave..." This was not just an expression of religious faith, but it carried a profound political message. Yadav, whose politics has long been viewed through the lens of the "MY equation" (the Muslim-Yadav alliance) is now attempting to connect with a broader Hindu social psyche.

On the other hand, Rahul Gandhi's visit to the Churuva Hanuman temple in Raebareli signaled that Congress too can no longer avoid engaging with religious symbols in Uttar Pradesh. From projecting himself as a "Janeudhari Hindu" to participating in temple pilgrimages, this shift in Rahul Gandhi's politics has become increasingly evident over the years. Congress has recognized that in a state like Uttar Pradesh, being perceived as anti-Hindutva can be electorally disastrous.

Familiar Territory

For the BJP, however, this is familiar territory. The "development and Hindutva" model crafted by Narendra Modi and Yogi Adityanath has permanently reshaped Uttar Pradesh politics. Landmarks such as the Shri Ram Temple in Ayodhya, the Kashi Corridor, Diwali festivities, the Kanwar Yatra, and Bada Mangal celebrations have been established as markers of the state's cultural identity. Yogi Adityanath himself embodies the image of a saffron-clad saint-politician. Even his presence at the Sundarkand recitation at Deputy CM Brajesh Pathak's residence in Lucknow was not merely a religious ritual but a cultural-political statement.

The BJP hlas deliberately linked Hindutva to more than just religious sentiment. It has intertwined it with "firm governance," "cultural pride," and "beneficiary politics." Bulldozer actions, strict stances on Namaz prayers at street, law-and-order initiatives, and welfare programs like free rations, Ujjwala, and housing schemes have created a multi-layered political foundation for the party. This strategy enabled the BJP, under Yogi Adityanath's leadership, to secure 255 seats (273 including allies) in the 2022 assembly elections, achieving a full majority for the second consecutive term. In contrast, the Samajwadi Party was confined to 111 seats, and Congress managed just two seats, with BJP securing roughly 41 per cent of the vote share.

Caste Arithmetic

These figures have compelled the opposition to rethink its strategy. The Samajwadi Party has realised that caste arithmetic alone is no longer enough. Hence, Akhilesh Yadav is increasingly invoking symbols like Krishna, Parshuram, and now Hanuman in political discourse. The challenge lies in attracting Hindu voters without alienating the Muslim vote ban. When viewed objectively, this is precisely the main difficulty with "Soft Hindutva."

To understand the politics of Bada Mangal in Uttar Pradesh, one must view it in this context. In the Awadh region, Hanuman devotion has long symbolized social unity. Today, however, it has also become a stage for electoral signaling. Bhandaras (community feasts), temple visits, distribution of prasad, and participation in religious events now serve as direct political messaging. The symbolism of Hanuman resonates with the BJP because it transcends caste boundaries and appeals to a broader Hindu identity.

Yogi Adityanath's recent statement, "There will be no namaz on the streets," is part of this broader political discourse. The BJP frames it as a matter of law and order and public discipline, while the opposition interprets it as polarizing politics. What is undeniable is that electoral debate in Uttar Pradesh is no longer confined to development or caste, but it now decisively involves religious symbols and cultural identity.

The 2027 assembly elections are likely to revolve around four pillars, which are Hindutva, caste equations, welfare politics, and law and order. The BJP is moving forward with a model of "nationalism, Sanatan values, strong, and efficient governance." The Samajwadi Party is attempting a balancing act with its "soft Hindutva and PDA" approach. Congress is speaking in the language of "inclusive Hindu identity" and constitutional democracy.