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By:

Kiran D. Tare

21 August 2024 at 11:23:13 am

Bengal’s Ludwig Erhard

For decades, Swapan Dasgupta made a career of diagnosing India’s political ailments. As a columnist, editor, author and public intellectual, the erudite and scintillating Dasgupta dissected challenged orthodoxies and defended the intellectual traditions of the Indian Right. However, following his new appointment as the new Finance Minister of a West Bengal in economic doldrums, he perhaps faces the most demanding assignment of his career. His supporters however are confident that if there is...

Bengal’s Ludwig Erhard

For decades, Swapan Dasgupta made a career of diagnosing India’s political ailments. As a columnist, editor, author and public intellectual, the erudite and scintillating Dasgupta dissected challenged orthodoxies and defended the intellectual traditions of the Indian Right. However, following his new appointment as the new Finance Minister of a West Bengal in economic doldrums, he perhaps faces the most demanding assignment of his career. His supporters however are confident that if there is anyone most suited to sort out Bengal’s messy economy, it is Dasgupta. His appointment following the Bharatiya Janata Party’s ascent to power in Bengal after overthrowing Mamata Banerjee’s TMC regime is among the more intriguing political transitions in recent Indian political memory. India has seen journalists cross into politics before. M.J. Akbar moved from the newsroom to the Ministry of External Affairs. Arun Shourie, one of India’s most formidable investigative journalists, became a reform-minded minister in Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s government. Others, from Manish Sisodia to Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi and Chandan Mitra, have made similar journeys. Yet Dasgupta’s case is distinctive. Unlike many journalists-turned-politicians, he was never merely a ‘reporter.’ Whether in debate or through his prolific and trenchant writings, he has always been an intellectual combatant, a scholar of political ideas with a sweeping knowledge of world history by which he leavens those ideas. Dasgupta has always been one of the most articulate exponents of modern Indian conservatism. Educated at La Martiniere College in Kolkata, St Stephen’s College in Delhi and later the School of Oriental and African Studies in London, where he earned a doctorate, Dasgupta cultivated a reputation for formidable scholarship. His books, including Awakening Bharat Mata: The Political Beliefs of the Indian Right and The Ayodhya Reference, revealed an uncommon ability to place contemporary political disputes within a broader historical and ideological framework. For his supporters, he was among the few intellectuals capable of articulating conservative ideas in a language usually dominated by the Left. To critics, he was a sophisticated polemicist. Yet, even his opponents seldom questioned the breadth of his reading or the sharpness of his arguments. However, the challenge facing Dasgupta now is no longer intellectual but administrative. The Bengal he inherits bears little resemblance to the state that once led India in industry, commerce and scientific innovation. As he himself quipped in trademark fashion with a sharp historical analogy, the state’s economy resembled postwar Germany. The figures are sobering. West Bengal’s state debt has ballooned to around Rs. 8 lakh crore during the TMC regime. Thousands of companies have relocated or curtailed operations over the years amid a hostile investment climate. The new BJP government has inherited not merely a fiscal challenge but a crisis of confidence. “We are left with a near-bankrupt treasury,” Dasgupta said. Equally troubling, in his view, is the erosion of trust among investors and entrepreneurs. Bengal’s relationship with business has been uneasy to say the least. First the long night of the Left, followed by the TMC’s anti-business, appeasement brand of politics has ensured that the scars of industrial disputes and land controversies remain fresh. In this dire situation, reviving private investment will require convincing businesses that Bengal has changed. In this respect, Dasgupta’s strengths may prove unexpectedly useful. Throughout his career he displayed an ability to engage with ideas, institutions and stakeholders across ideological divides. His early moves hint at a broader vision. Rather than confining pre-budget consultations to Kolkata, Dasgupta shifted the Finance Department’s attention to Siliguri in a moved suffused with deliberate symbolism. North Bengal has long complained of neglect by governments centred on the state’s southern districts. By engaging tea producers, agricultural interests, tourism operators and local business groups, the newly-minted finance minister appears eager to demonstrate that economic revival will not just be a Kolkata-centric project. That said, debt servicing consumes a substantial portion of state revenues. Welfare commitments are politically difficult to unwind and infrastructure deficits remain significant. While public intellectuals excel at identifying problems, governing demands compromises and the acceptance of imperfect solutions. Still, Bengal’s new finance minister possesses as fine an appreciation of history than any Indian politician around. He knows that states decline not just because economic mistakes but because they lose faith in their future. Restoring that confidence may be the central task of his tenure. For years Swapan Dasgupta chronicled India’s political story from the sidelines. Now he finds himself at the centre of one of its most consequential state-level experiments. Whatever the outcome of his tenure, few would deny that Bengal’s finances have acquired perhaps their most learned custodian in decades.

How Ancient Bharat Counted Time

The history of an ancient civilisation like Bharat cannot be read through the Gregorian calendar alone.

With Vārṣa Pratipadā approaching, the traditional New Year in many parts of Bharat raises a simple question: New Year of which era? Some mark it as the beginning of the Shalivahana Shaka, while others mark it as the beginning of the Vikram Samvat, reflecting the many systems of chronology followed across the country.


That leads to a larger question: what was the year of Lord Rama’s birth? Tradition records the moment with remarkable precision — noon, Navami Tithi, Punarvasu Nakshatra, Shukla Paksha, Chaitra, Vasanta, Uttarayana — yet the year itself remains unknown. The same is true of Lord Krishna: his birth is described in detail — midnight, Ashtami Tithi, Rohini Nakshatra, Krishna Paksha, Shravana, the rainy season, Dakshinayana — but again, not the year.


For this reason, modern historians working within the Gregorian framework often hesitate to treat Rama and Krishna as historical figures.


Yet the Indian mind resists this conclusion. Even today, people identify places linked to Rama — Ayodhya, Chitrakoot, Ramtek, Panchavati in Nashik, and the route of exile said to stretch to Lanka. How then can Rama be dismissed as unreal? And yet, the same student quietly learns in schools and colleges that the Ramayana and Mahabharata are myths, offering no protest because, when asked about their historical period, he has no clear answer.


Can the Gregorian calendar answer this? Not fully. A Biblical chronology proposed in the 17th century by Irish archbishop James Ussher placed the Earth’s creation at 4004 BC, limiting world history to roughly 6,000 years.


Indian civilisation, however, is far older, and its origins cannot be dated with precision. Its history cannot be confined within such narrow limits.


Many, therefore, turn to the time-reckoning of Bharatiya astronomy, or Jyotisha Shastra. Here, time begins with Brahma’s creation and ends when creation dissolves back into its seed form. For an ancient and continuous civilisation like Bharat, this cyclical view is seen as a more natural frame of reference: whatever is created must one day be dissolved, only to emerge again in a new cycle.


The Indian System of Time

This ancient time-reckoning still survives in rituals such as worship, yajña and marriage. In the Sankalpa, the person, purpose, place and time are formally stated.


Part of it says: “Adya Brahmanah dvitīye parārdhe, Shveta-Varaha Kalpe, Saptame Vaivasvata Manvantare, Ashtāvimshatitame Kaliyuge, Kali prathama charane…” — placing the present moment within the cosmic framework of Brahma’s second half of life, the Shveta-Varaha Kalpa, the Vaivasvata Manvantara and the current Kali Yuga.


Kali Yuga

By this reckoning, we are entering the 5128th year of Kali Yuga. Of its total 432,000-year span, 5,127 years have passed, and 4,26,873 remain.


This is the 28th Kali Yuga of the current Manvantara, traditionally dated to 3202 BCE, when the seven classical planets were believed to align in a single zodiac sign.


Chaturyuga (Mahayuga)

In this system, Kali, Dvapara, Treta and Satya together form a Chaturyuga (Mahayuga) of 43,20,000 years, with each Yuga measured as a multiple of Kali Yuga’s 4,32,000 years.


A familiar legend says Dharma stood on four pillars in Satya Yuga, three in Treta, two in Dvapara and one in Kali, symbolising the decline of righteousness across the ages — a moral image rather than a chronological formula.


Manvantara

A Manvantara is a larger cosmic cycle comprising 71 Mahayugas. By this reckoning, we are in the Vaivasvata Manvantara — the 7th of 14 — and in its 28th Mahayuga.


Tradition also holds that each Manvantara ends in a Pralaya, or deluge.


According to the Puranas, Vaivasvata Manu, son of the Sun, was warned by Matsya of a great flood, preserved the Saptarishis, seeds and essential life forms in a boat, and after the deluge, is said to have begun creation anew — which is why he is regarded as the progenitor of humanity.


Kalpa

A Kalpa is a vast cosmic cycle equal to 1,000 Chaturyugas, or 14 Manvantaras. In traditional reckoning, one day of Brahma equals one Kalpa, which is why the Sankalpa says, "Atha Brahmano dvitīya parārdhe” — meaning 50 years of Brahma have passed, and we are now in the second half of his lifespan.


The core point is simple: the history of an ancient civilisation like Bharat cannot be read through the Gregorian calendar alone. To understand it on its own terms, a Bharatiya system of time-reckoning is also needed.


Proponents of this view argue that Bharatiyas should move beyond person-centred calendars and adopt the broader Yugabda framework. The Bharatiya Itihasa Sankalana Yojana, for instance, says it has used astronomical references in Sanskrit texts to build long genealogical timelines from Brahma to the historical age.


This discussion, however, covers only the larger units of time. The finer divisions of Bharatiya chronology would require a separate article.


(The writer is the national organiser of Sanskrit Bharati. Views Personal.)

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