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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From Ideology to Electability

BJP is blending ideology with pragmatism, elevating leaders from rival parties to power New Delhi: The growing tendency of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to elevate leaders from other parties to the position of Chief Minister represents a shift, one that reflects not only a recalibration of the party's strategy but also the evolving character of Indian politics itself. Once known primarily as a cadre-based party anchored firmly in ideological commitment, the BJP has entered a phase where...

From Ideology to Electability

BJP is blending ideology with pragmatism, elevating leaders from rival parties to power New Delhi: The growing tendency of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to elevate leaders from other parties to the position of Chief Minister represents a shift, one that reflects not only a recalibration of the party's strategy but also the evolving character of Indian politics itself. Once known primarily as a cadre-based party anchored firmly in ideological commitment, the BJP has entered a phase where political pragmatism is accorded equal importance alongside ideology. The clearest evidence of this transformation lies in the rising number of leaders who, after crossing over from other parties, have not only found space within the BJP but have gone on to occupy the highest offices of power. Names such as Basavaraj Bommai in Karnataka, Himanta Biswa Sarma in Assam, and most recently Samrat Choudhary in Bihar have come to embody this trend. Each of these leaders had prior political affiliations outside the BJP, yet after joining the party, their stature and responsibilities have grown significantly. This is not an ad hoc development, but the outcome of a carefully crafted, multi-layered strategy. At the heart of this strategy lies a decisive emphasis on "winning ability." The BJP is no longer determining leadership solely on the basis of ideological loyalty, instead, it is prioritising individuals who possess electoral appeal, grassroots influence, and the capacity to navigate complex social equations. This explains why Himanta Biswa Sarma rose swiftly within the BJP to become Chief Minister and one of the party's most influential figures in the Northeast, who spent nearly two decades in the Congress. Similarly, leaders like Pema Khandu in Arunachal Pradesh, N. Biren Singh in Manipur, and Manik Saha in Tripura underscore the party's willingness to rely on strong local faces to expand its footprint in the Northeast, even if those leaders once belonged to the Congress. In Uttar Pradesh, the elevation of Brajesh Pathak, a former Bahujan Samaj Party leader, to the post of Deputy Chief Minister reflects a similar attempt to balance social equations. Key Driver One key driver of this approach is the relative absence of strong indigenous leadership in several states. In regions where the BJP historically lacked widely accepted local faces, turning to experienced leaders from other parties has proven to be a pragmatic solution. This marks a shift away from ideological rigidity toward an acceptance of political realities. A second critical factor is the need to manage caste and regional equations. Social structures continue to play a decisive role in Indian elections, and political success often hinges on aligning with these dynamics. In Bihar, the elevation of Samrat Choudhary is widely seen as an attempt to consolidate OBC/Kurmi support, while in Karnataka, Basavaraj Bommai's leadership aligns with the influence of the Lingayat community. The third dimension of this strategy is the systematic weakening of the opposition. By inducting influential leaders from rival parties and assigning them significant roles, the BJP not only strengthens its own ranks but also erodes the organizational capacity of its competitors. The induction of leaders such as Jyotiraditya Scindia, Narayan Rane, R. P. N. Singh, and Jitin Prasada, all of whom have been entrusted with key responsibilities in government and party structures, illustrates this approach. Two Levels The BJP's model now appears to function on two distinct levels: a strong and centralized leadership at the top, and influential local faces at the state level. Under the leadership of Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, the central command remains cohesive and firmly in control, while states are led by individuals capable of delivering electoral victories, irrespective of their political past. The rise of Suvendu Adhikari in West Bengal further exemplifies this strategy. Once a close aide of Mamata Banerjee, Adhikari is now one of the BJP's principal faces in the state, forming a cornerstone of the party's expansion efforts. The message is unmistakable clear that the opportunities within the BJP are no longer confined to its traditional cadre. Any leader with mass appeal and capability can aspire to the top. This shift also reflects the party's organisational confidence. The BJP believes its institutional structure is robust enough to quickly integrate leaders from outside and align them with its broader objectives. This has enabled a blend of ideological flexibility and political pragmatism. That said, the strategy is not without its internal contradictions. For long-time party workers, the rapid rise of leaders from outside may send mixed signals, potentially creating tensions within the cadre. Managing this balance will be a critical test for the party in the years ahead. Even so, in a broader sense, the BJP's approach represents a fusion of ideology and pragmatism. Its goals are clear that secure electoral victories, expand rapidly into new regions, and systematically weaken the opposition.

Hurray! A Book Stalls Parliament

A retired general’s unpublished memoir has succeeded in briefly forcing India’s lawmakers to argue with ideas rather than one another.

I love following Indian politics from close quarters, however dirty, self-seeking and theatrical it may be. Yet I am drawn less to its daily intrigue than to the aroma of books and the knowledge-filled contents they carry. Between beautiful books and pitiable politics, books win hands down.


Consider, for a moment, the power of the written word. One is reminded of the old adage about the pen being mightier than the sword. In this instance, a book proved stronger than politicians. The Indian Parliament, meant to solve citizens’ problems, protect national borders, make life easier through a balanced budget, pass laws to save the innocent and punish the criminal, or take stern steps to curb corruption, found itself debating a book and its contents. What a heavenly interlude it turned out to be.


Instead of the irritating, financially burdensome slugfests between the treasury benches and the Opposition, what India witnessed over nearly ten days were heated discussions around a book written by a former Chief of Army Staff, General M. M. Naravane, who superannuated in April 2022. His memoir, which touches on warfare and military leadership and makes liberal references to China and Pakistan, is titled Four Stars of Destiny. It is to be published by Penguin Random House. An article on the book, available online, went viral long before the volume itself reached bookshops.


Irksome Manuscript

The frank description of a 42-year journey of a general whose military record has been spotless appears to have irked the government no end. That the officer was not appointed Chief of Defence Staff is a subject for another occasion. What mattered here was not the politics of promotion, but the politics of publication.


What gladdened me was the sudden shift of attention - from acrimonious charges and counter-charges - to a book. The Leader of the Opposition, Rahul Gandhi, was seen flashing it in the House. He was not permitted by the Speaker to read out excerpts, a procedural decision that falls squarely within the Speaker’s remit. That political skirmish is of lesser interest here. What matters more, at least in this column, is that a book rather than a slogan momentarily commanded Parliament’s attention.


The reaction was swift and theatrical. In retaliation, a plethora of books on Jawaharlal Nehru, his daughter Indira Gandhi, and the Emergency she imposed in the mid-1970s suddenly made their way into the sanctum sanctorum of Parliament. The resurfacing of books on Nehru and Indira - the bêtes noires of the BJP - amounted to a book-for-book response by ruling-party MPs, many of whom may not have read the volumes they were brandishing.


The Lok Sabha Library, with its vast and well-catalogued holdings, must have come to the rescue. Having visited it myself on several occasions, I can imagine how elated the staff of this great parliamentary library must have been to see books being taken off the shelves, dusted, and carried into the hollowed precincts of the Lower House. Old and pale volumes on Nehru, Indira, Lady Mountbatten and others, long untouched by most MPs, should feel grateful to Rahul Gandhi and M. M. Naravane for allowing them to see daylight again, this time inside the brand-new Parliament building designed by Bimal Patel.


A large section of Indians, frankly, does not expect modern-day politicians to be a well-read lot. There have been honourable exceptions. In the BJP, figures such as Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Sushma Swaraj, M. M. Joshi, L. K. Advani, Sumitra Mahajan and Subramanian Swamy stood apart. Across parties, stalwarts such as B. R. Ambedkar, Ram Manohar Lohia, Madhu Dandawate, Madhu Limaye, Piloo Mody, Indrajit Gupta, S. A. Dange, V. N. Gadgil, Somnath Chatterjee, Arjun Singh and, of course, Nehru himself were voracious readers.


Scholarly Arguments

They made scholarly arguments in Parliament, often supported by books from their personal libraries. I have had the privilege of seeing some of these collections. Many of these politicians were also frequent visitors to the Lok Sabha Library. Jairam Ramesh, a Congress MP and an author himself, remains one of its regular users. Admittedly, those were different times. Politics was more mature, and intellectual curiosity was not treated as a liability.


Trying to recall when a book last triggered such controversy in Parliament is an uphill task. School textbooks have caused smaller disturbances. It is unclear whether the Union Bank of India’s questionable decision to buy two lakh copies of a book by a former chief economic adviser agitated MPs even for a single day.


Salman Rushdie’s The Satanic Verses did ignite debate, though not with the intensity witnessed in February 2026. That book was banned in India for decades before the ban was lifted in 2025. Exiled Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasrin, too, stirred a hornet’s nest in 2003 when Lajja (Shame) provoked widespread anger. Her autobiography Dwikhandito was banned in West Bengal. Those episodes reverberated through legislatures but rarely paralysed them.


Undoubtedly, Naravane’s yet-to-be-published book has made history. ‘The Four Stars of Destiny’ may not change the destiny of the retired general or Rahul Gandhi, but book aficionados like me are glad about Gandhi and Naravane for letting a book dominate the Indian Parliament. Long live books!


(The writer is a senior political and environmental journalist based in Bhopal. Views personal.)

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