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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

‘Tiger’ backs ‘Cockroach’

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena (UBT) became the first political party to openly support the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) launched by a Maharashtra youth Abhijeet Dipke who launched a huge protest in New Delhi on Saturday. In a strong statement, SS (UBT) President and ex-CM Uddhav Thackeray threw his weight behind the CJP as thousands of youngsters hit the streets of New Delhi in the scorching sun, not for politics but for their future. “Those whom we call the architects of the nation's future have come...

‘Tiger’ backs ‘Cockroach’

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena (UBT) became the first political party to openly support the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) launched by a Maharashtra youth Abhijeet Dipke who launched a huge protest in New Delhi on Saturday. In a strong statement, SS (UBT) President and ex-CM Uddhav Thackeray threw his weight behind the CJP as thousands of youngsters hit the streets of New Delhi in the scorching sun, not for politics but for their future. “Those whom we call the architects of the nation's future have come out carrying their pain, frustration and anxiety about their future. It is wrong to ridicule them as ‘cockroaches’ and deny them justice,” said the SS (UBT) Tiger. Thackeray said the recent NEET paper leak scandal had shattered the dreams of lakhs of students and their families, raising questions in the minds of youngsters whether merit still matters – as the movement which started on social media has spilled onto the streets across the country. “All these aggrieved young men and women are now raising their voices by becoming ‘cockroaches’. The government must listen to their demands. Do not underestimate the ‘cockroaches’ – this is the warning given by the agitation (today) at Jantar Mantar,” said Thackeray sharply. The SS (UBT)’s supportive stance came against the backdrop of mounting anger among students over the alleged irregularities in major public examinations like NEET, CBSE, CUET, and recruitment processes, which has shaken confidence in the country's education system. The Protest Around dawn, Dipke, 30 – who launched the online movement three weeks ago from the USA – reached India as thousands of supporters waited patiently and peacefully near the Parliament Street Police Station. Many waved the National Tricolour, copies of the Constitution or books of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, others carried flowers which they offered to the 1000-plus alert security personnel deployed there, and several sported symbolic cockroach masks. In a brief address, Dipke accused the government of focusing more on the CJP’s online presence than on the serious issues raised by the students. “You may be able to delete our posts, but you cannot erase us from this space,” he roared, amid loud cheers and thundering applause from the crowd. He said there must be accountability in the form of the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, failing which the CJP will continue its protests in New Delhi and also other parts of India. Anticipating detention after his homecoming, Dipke: “I was fully prepared to sacrifice my freedom for this cause.” In a warm gesture, environmental activist Sonam Wangchuk arrived from Ladakh to join the protest, declared himself as an ‘Honorary cockroach’ and expressed solidarity with Dipke. “People ask what is achieved through protests, sit-ins and marches. It proves that we are alive. The government may treat us like insects, but we are alive and capable of fighting for our rights,” mocked the CJP in a social media statement The CJP volunteers repeatedly urged the protestors to maintain decorum and make their impact in a democratic manner, which the crowds adhered to, but raised full-throated slogans intermittently, even as the protest ended without any untoward incidents. Incidentally, the Delhi Police granted permission for the demonstrations by allowing the crowds to gather directly at Jantar Mantar grounds as a ‘one-time exemption’. Demonstrations expressing solidarity to the cause were held in different parts of the country while tight security was deployed outside Dipke’s home in Chhatrapati Sambhajinar. Why are students forced to agitate?: Aaditya Thackeray Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aditya Thackeray said why the students are being compelled to agitate when they should be planning out academic future and career options. “The young students exposed the NEET leak scam, or the CBSE marks scandal. The minister should have resigned or should have been sacked, some officials have been transferred but not suspended. The government should be ashamed of the situation,” said Aditya.

India’s Dilemma: The Specter of a Three-and-a-Half-Front War

Updated: Jan 2, 2025

In the first of a two-part series, we examine India’s growing security challenges, both internal and external, and the strategic steps needed to navigate these complexities

India’s Dilemma

The world is a powder keg. Unrest in Iran, Iraq, Israel, Syria, and across the Middle East coincides with the protracted war between Russia and Ukraine. These crises ripple across borders, leaving no country untouched. For India, the stakes are particularly high. In Asia, tensions with Bangladesh and Pakistan, coupled with an unresolved standoff with China, exacerbate an already precarious security environment. Adding fuel to the fire, domestic challenges further intensify the risks, raising the alarming possibility of what strategists dub a “three-and-a-half-front war.”


India’s geographical location offers both an advantage and a disadvantage. Strategically positioned as a hub for global logistics, the country is critical to ensuring regional stability. Yet, its proximity to two longstanding adversaries—China and Pakistan—complicates matters. Bangladesh, with its shifting allegiances, has added a new dimension to this calculus. The volatile domestic situation, marked by communal and political unrest, completes the trifecta, with internal challenges forming the “half front” in this ominous scenario.


Indo-China relations have long tested India’s diplomatic mettle. For decades, China has pursued a strategy to keep India on edge, using a mix of psychological and military provocations. Rooted in its desire to avenge the ‘Century of Humiliation,’ China’s worldview is deeply shaped by a need to dominate its regional neighbours.


India’s rapid ascent on the global stage poses a direct challenge to China’s ambitions of regional and global supremacy. Beijing views New Delhi’s rising stature with unease, particularly its growing influence in the Indo-Pacific, its robust infrastructure along contested borders and its leadership in multilateral forums like the Quadrilateral Dialogue (QUAD). The refusal to join initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) has further strained ties.


The 2020 Galwan Valley clash, a tragic flashpoint in Indo-China relations, epitomized China’s aggressive designs. Beijing’s displeasure with India’s border infrastructure development and its closer ties with Western allies has only fuelled its belligerence. Militarily, China holds the upper hand, leveraging its advanced arsenal against India’s aging defence systems. This disparity emboldens Beijing to test India’s resolve repeatedly, creating a perpetual state of tension.


Beyond its direct provocations, China’s deepening ties with South Asia complicate India’s security calculus. Bangladesh, once a trusted ally, now edges closer to Beijing. Economic investments through the Belt and Road Initiative, strategic military partnerships, and increased political engagement hint at a significant shift in Dhaka’s priorities. While India continues to invest in its ties with Bangladesh, the growing influence of China in the region presents challenges that are impossible to ignore.


Since Partition in 1947, India and Pakistan have shared an acrimonious relationship. Pakistan’s grievances, from the creation of Bangladesh to its inability to annex Kashmir, have defined its hostile posture toward India. While India’s economic growth and diplomatic successes have widened the gulf, Pakistan continues to rely on asymmetric warfare through state-sponsored terrorism.


India has responded firmly with cross-LoC strikes and diplomatic efforts like pushing Pakistan onto the FATF grey list. However, Islamabad’s deepening ties with Beijing, including advanced weapon supplies, have strengthened its military, forging a troubling China-Pakistan nexus. This partnership, with potential strategic collaboration in Siachen and Ladakh, poses a serious challenge to India, raising concerns of a coordinated assault from both adversaries.


Bangladesh, once a close ally, now emerges as a wildcard in India’s security landscape. While the two countries share historical ties rooted in India’s role during Bangladesh’s liberation, recent developments suggest a drift. Dhaka’s growing economic partnership with Beijing and its reluctance to fully endorse India’s regional leadership underscore this shift.


China’s significant investments in Bangladesh’s infrastructure, ranging from ports to power plants, mirror its strategy in other South Asian countries. For India, this growing influence represents not just an economic challenge but a strategic one. The possibility of Bangladesh aligning with China in regional disputes adds another layer to India’s external threats.


The Domestic ‘Half Front’

India’s security challenges are compounded by internal issues like communal tensions, political polarization, and insurgencies in Kashmir and the Northeast, which strain resources and create exploitable vulnerabilities. Kashmir remains a flashpoint, with unrest offering Pakistan opportunities to stoke proxies, while Northeast insurgencies require constant vigilance. To counter the threat of a coordinated three-front assault, India must recalibrate its security policy with investments in defence modernization, strong alliances, and diplomatic finesse.


Modernizing the armed forces, with a focus on indigenization and reducing dependence on foreign suppliers, is imperative. Simultaneously, India must strengthen its regional partnerships, leveraging platforms like the QUAD and the Indian Ocean Rim Association to counterbalance China’s influence. Engaging with Bangladesh to rebuild trust and counter Beijing’s narrative will be equally crucial.


A united and resilient nation is less susceptible to external manipulation, ensuring that the ‘half front’ does not become a full-blown crisis. The challenges are formidable, but so too is India’s resolve.


(The author is a retired Indian Naval Aviation Officer and a geo-political analyst.


(In Part Two tomorrow, we focus on Bangladesh’s potential to emerge as a third front in the conflict, explore how India’s domestic situation constitutes a ‘half front’ and examine key remedial measures India must adopt to mitigate the threat)

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