top of page

By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Panje wetland moves closer to legal protection

Navi Mumbai: The 289-hectare Panje-Dongari wetland in Uran, regarded by environmentalists as Maharashtra’s largest intertidal wetland, has moved a significant step closer to securing legal protection after the Raigad district administration completed a long-awaited ground verification process, environmental groups said. The development is being seen as a major milestone in the years-long campaign by conservationists to protect the ecologically sensitive wetland from reclamation and...

Panje wetland moves closer to legal protection

Navi Mumbai: The 289-hectare Panje-Dongari wetland in Uran, regarded by environmentalists as Maharashtra’s largest intertidal wetland, has moved a significant step closer to securing legal protection after the Raigad district administration completed a long-awaited ground verification process, environmental groups said. The development is being seen as a major milestone in the years-long campaign by conservationists to protect the ecologically sensitive wetland from reclamation and infrastructure-related pressures. The verification is part of the process required before wetlands can be formally notified under the Environment (Protection) Act. According to the NatConnect Foundation, the verification follows documentation by the Chennai-based National Centre for Sustainable Coastal Management (NCSCM), which has completed the ground-truthing of nearly all the 23,000 wetlands identified across Maharashtra under the National Wetland Inventory and Assessment (NWIA), prepared using 2006-07 satellite imagery. Environmentalists have repeatedly criticised the delay in completing the verification and notification process in the state. Rising Hopes A senior official of the State Wetland Authority, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that the Raigad Collector has cleared 11 of the 19 wetlands documented by NCSCM in the district, including the Panje wetland. The wetlands at Belpada and Bhendkhal have also reportedly progressed towards notification, raising hopes for their long-term conservation. The list approved by the Collector also includes wetlands in Panvel taluka at Kharghar, Taloja, Kharghar Sector 25, Kalamboli, Sinkar and Morave. However, government officials said wetlands at Sheva, Jaskhar, Murud Creek and the Mangrove Wetland Complex do not feature in the Collector’s current documents, leaving questions over their status. The Panje wetland has been at the centre of a prolonged legal and environmental battle. The Bombay Environmental Action Group (BEAG) founder and noted environmentalist Debi Goenka had earlier demonstrated, using the National Wetland Inventory and Assessment maps, that Panje qualified as a wetland despite claims to the contrary. “BEAG founder and noted environmentalist Debi Goenka was among the first to demonstrate, using the National Wetland Inventory and Assessment (NWIA) maps, that Panje qualified as a wetland despite claims to the contrary. His painstaking interpretation of the colour-coded satellite atlas greatly strengthened our case for Panje’s conservation,” said B N Kumar, Director, NatConnect Foundation. Happy Activists Welcoming the latest development, Nandakumar Pawar, Director of Sagar Shakti, who has led a prolonged legal battle to protect the wetland, said, “The 289-hectare Panje wetland is the largest intertidal wetland in the state. Its conservation is critical for protecting Uran’s fragile ecology.” Kumar described the verification as a vindication of sustained public efforts. “Panje has shown that persistence pays,” he said, while Pawar added that the focus must now shift towards securing legal protection for all of Maharashtra’s 23,000 mapped wetlands before they are lost to encroachment and development. Pawar warned that the destruction and reclamation of several wetlands in Uran, including the four-kilometre Jasai stretch, have already aggravated flooding in surrounding villages. He said extensive landfilling for the Dronagiri Node and other infrastructure projects has further worsened the ecological situation. The Collector’s report assumes significance amid continued opposition from CIDCO, which has maintained that several of these areas are former salt pans or agricultural land and are therefore suitable for development. Environmental groups, however, argue that irrespective of their historical land use, these ecosystems now perform critical ecological functions and deserve statutory protection. According to Kumar, although Panje—currently leased to NMSEZ, now NMIIA—has remained free from construction activity, the regular obstruction of tidal water flow causes the wetland to dry up periodically, threatening its ecological health. Environmental organisations including Vanashakti, Sagar Shakti, NatConnect Foundation, Navi Mumbai Environment Preservation Society, Save Navi Mumbai Environment and Kharghar Wetlands & Hills Forum have been pursuing legal and administrative interventions to secure protection for the wetlands. Highlighting their ecological importance, Pawar said wetlands not only support rich biodiversity but also serve as natural flood buffers, store significant amounts of carbon and sustain the livelihoods of traditional fishing communities. He stressed that notifying these wetlands is essential for strengthening the climate resilience of the Mumbai Metropolitan Region.

India’s Dilemma: The Specter of a Three-and-a-Half-Front War

Updated: Jan 2, 2025

In the first of a two-part series, we examine India’s growing security challenges, both internal and external, and the strategic steps needed to navigate these complexities

India’s Dilemma

The world is a powder keg. Unrest in Iran, Iraq, Israel, Syria, and across the Middle East coincides with the protracted war between Russia and Ukraine. These crises ripple across borders, leaving no country untouched. For India, the stakes are particularly high. In Asia, tensions with Bangladesh and Pakistan, coupled with an unresolved standoff with China, exacerbate an already precarious security environment. Adding fuel to the fire, domestic challenges further intensify the risks, raising the alarming possibility of what strategists dub a “three-and-a-half-front war.”


India’s geographical location offers both an advantage and a disadvantage. Strategically positioned as a hub for global logistics, the country is critical to ensuring regional stability. Yet, its proximity to two longstanding adversaries—China and Pakistan—complicates matters. Bangladesh, with its shifting allegiances, has added a new dimension to this calculus. The volatile domestic situation, marked by communal and political unrest, completes the trifecta, with internal challenges forming the “half front” in this ominous scenario.


Indo-China relations have long tested India’s diplomatic mettle. For decades, China has pursued a strategy to keep India on edge, using a mix of psychological and military provocations. Rooted in its desire to avenge the ‘Century of Humiliation,’ China’s worldview is deeply shaped by a need to dominate its regional neighbours.


India’s rapid ascent on the global stage poses a direct challenge to China’s ambitions of regional and global supremacy. Beijing views New Delhi’s rising stature with unease, particularly its growing influence in the Indo-Pacific, its robust infrastructure along contested borders and its leadership in multilateral forums like the Quadrilateral Dialogue (QUAD). The refusal to join initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) has further strained ties.


The 2020 Galwan Valley clash, a tragic flashpoint in Indo-China relations, epitomized China’s aggressive designs. Beijing’s displeasure with India’s border infrastructure development and its closer ties with Western allies has only fuelled its belligerence. Militarily, China holds the upper hand, leveraging its advanced arsenal against India’s aging defence systems. This disparity emboldens Beijing to test India’s resolve repeatedly, creating a perpetual state of tension.


Beyond its direct provocations, China’s deepening ties with South Asia complicate India’s security calculus. Bangladesh, once a trusted ally, now edges closer to Beijing. Economic investments through the Belt and Road Initiative, strategic military partnerships, and increased political engagement hint at a significant shift in Dhaka’s priorities. While India continues to invest in its ties with Bangladesh, the growing influence of China in the region presents challenges that are impossible to ignore.


Since Partition in 1947, India and Pakistan have shared an acrimonious relationship. Pakistan’s grievances, from the creation of Bangladesh to its inability to annex Kashmir, have defined its hostile posture toward India. While India’s economic growth and diplomatic successes have widened the gulf, Pakistan continues to rely on asymmetric warfare through state-sponsored terrorism.


India has responded firmly with cross-LoC strikes and diplomatic efforts like pushing Pakistan onto the FATF grey list. However, Islamabad’s deepening ties with Beijing, including advanced weapon supplies, have strengthened its military, forging a troubling China-Pakistan nexus. This partnership, with potential strategic collaboration in Siachen and Ladakh, poses a serious challenge to India, raising concerns of a coordinated assault from both adversaries.


Bangladesh, once a close ally, now emerges as a wildcard in India’s security landscape. While the two countries share historical ties rooted in India’s role during Bangladesh’s liberation, recent developments suggest a drift. Dhaka’s growing economic partnership with Beijing and its reluctance to fully endorse India’s regional leadership underscore this shift.


China’s significant investments in Bangladesh’s infrastructure, ranging from ports to power plants, mirror its strategy in other South Asian countries. For India, this growing influence represents not just an economic challenge but a strategic one. The possibility of Bangladesh aligning with China in regional disputes adds another layer to India’s external threats.


The Domestic ‘Half Front’

India’s security challenges are compounded by internal issues like communal tensions, political polarization, and insurgencies in Kashmir and the Northeast, which strain resources and create exploitable vulnerabilities. Kashmir remains a flashpoint, with unrest offering Pakistan opportunities to stoke proxies, while Northeast insurgencies require constant vigilance. To counter the threat of a coordinated three-front assault, India must recalibrate its security policy with investments in defence modernization, strong alliances, and diplomatic finesse.


Modernizing the armed forces, with a focus on indigenization and reducing dependence on foreign suppliers, is imperative. Simultaneously, India must strengthen its regional partnerships, leveraging platforms like the QUAD and the Indian Ocean Rim Association to counterbalance China’s influence. Engaging with Bangladesh to rebuild trust and counter Beijing’s narrative will be equally crucial.


A united and resilient nation is less susceptible to external manipulation, ensuring that the ‘half front’ does not become a full-blown crisis. The challenges are formidable, but so too is India’s resolve.


(The author is a retired Indian Naval Aviation Officer and a geo-political analyst.


(In Part Two tomorrow, we focus on Bangladesh’s potential to emerge as a third front in the conflict, explore how India’s domestic situation constitutes a ‘half front’ and examine key remedial measures India must adopt to mitigate the threat)

Comments


bottom of page