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By:

Akhilesh Sinha

25 June 2025 at 2:53:54 pm

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive...

From legacy to leadership

Samrat Choudhary's ascent reflects legacy, caste dynamics, and political shifts Patna:  The rise of Samrat Choudhary in Bihar's political landscape is not merely the story of an individual's success, but a reflection of a long political tradition, evolving social equations, and shifting power dynamics over time. Following his election as the leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party's legislative wing, his elevation to the chief minister's office appears almost certain, which is marking a decisive milestone in a political journey spanning more than three and half decades. Over the years, his political journey traversed multiple parties, including the Congress, Samata Party, Rashtriya Janata Dal, Janata Dal (United), and Hindustani Awam Morcha. His name did surface in a high-profile criminal case in 1995, though he was later acquitted due to lack of evidence. Samrat Choudhary's mother Parvati Devi was also politically active and was elected as an MLA from Tarapur in a 1998 by-election. Among his siblings, Rohit Choudhary is associated with the JD(U) and is active in the education sector, while Dharmendra Choudhary is engaged in social work. His wife, Mamta Kumari, has also been actively involved during election campaigns. The family includes a son Pranay and a daughter Charu Priya. Choudhary entered active politics in 1990, beginning his career with the RJD. In 1999, he became Agriculture Minister in the Rabri Devi government, though his appointment was mired in controversy over his age, eventually forcing him to step down. He later parted ways with the RJD, moved to the JD(U), and ultimately joined the BJP. Since 2018, his stature within the BJP has steadily grown, culminating in his appointment as the party's Bihar state president in 2022. Controversy Man With the beginning of his new innings in the BJP, Choudhary once again found himself in the spotlight, this time over questions surrounding his educational qualifications. Allegations regarding the validity of the degree mentioned in his election affidavit became part of political discourse. The opposition, particularly Prashant Kishor, raised the issue forcefully during the elections. However, the controversy failed to gain substantive traction and remained confined to political rhetoric, with no significant impact on electoral outcomes. Hailing from the Tarapur region of Munger district, Choudhary's identity is deeply rooted in this region. Historically influential, the region has provided a strong social and political base for both him and his family. Belonging to the Kushwaha (Koeri) community, he represents a crucial social base in Bihar's caste equations. This makes his role significant in the 'Lav-Kush' (Kurmi-Koeri) political dynamic that has shaped the state's politics for decades. Sharp Turns Choudhary's political journey has been marked by sharp turns and contradictions. At one stage, he was among the fiercest critics of Nitish Kumar, even declaring that he would not remove his traditional 'Muraitha' (a kind of turban) until Kumar was unseated from power. Yet, as political equations shifted, Choudhary not only consolidated his position within the BJP but also emerged as a key figure in power-sharing arrangements with Nitish Kumar. After 2020, when Sushil Kumar Modi was moved to national politics, new opportunities opened up for Choudhary. He became a member of the Legislative Council, later served as Leader of the Opposition, and eventually rose to become state president. His political stature further expanded when, following Nitish Kumar's return to the NDA, Choudhary was entrusted with the dual roles of Deputy Chief Minister and Home Minister, which is an unprecedented move in Bihar's political framework. Despite his rise, controversies have not been entirely absent from his career. Questions regarding his age and educational qualifications surfaced intermittently, though their long-term political impact remained limited. Today, Samrat Choudhary stands at the center of Bihar's political stage. His ascent is not merely the result of personal ambition but the outcome of a deep political legacy, an understanding of social dynamics, and strong organisational acumen. The real test now lies in how he transforms this legacy into effective governance and development. Strengthening law and order and meeting public expectations will be crucial. The people of Bihar are watching closely, and only time will determine how successfully he rises to the occasion.

India’s Forgotten Frontier

Gilgit-Baltistan is, and has always been, part of India’s sovereign territory. Pakistan’s oppressive administration is occupation masquerading as governance.

Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan

When the glaciers burst in Gilgit-Baltistan, few outside the subcontinent seem to care. Yet this mountainous region, administered by Pakistan but claimed by India as part of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, stands at the intersection of geopolitical rivalry, constitutional ambiguity and gross humanitarian neglect. Recent floods, landslides and glacial lake outbursts have left tens of thousands of residents displaced, their homes reduced to mud and memory, their appeals for help largely unheard.


Recently, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) offered a damning indictment of its own government’s handling of the crisis. Relief efforts are shoddy and opaque, shelters unsafe, and basic services like clean water, electricity, healthcare, education are largely absent. Women, children, the disabled and transgender persons are disproportionately affected. The HRCP squarely blames the Pakistani government’s poor governance - driven by corruption, extractive policies and systematic neglect.


This brings one to the constitutional absurdity of the region’s status. In 2009, Pakistan granted Gilgit-Baltistan limited autonomy via presidential decree, falling far short of constitutional integration. Pakistan’s own courts have occasionally acknowledged the ambiguity. The region is neither a province nor fully autonomous; rather, it is an unrepresented territory administered as a colonial possession. By contrast, India has always viewed Gilgit-Baltistan as an inseparable part of Jammu and Kashmir, whose accession to India in 1947 remains internationally recognized though disputed.


The political unrest of recent years illustrates the region’s existential crisis. In the last two years, widespread protests have broken out there over soaring flour prices and power outages stretching up to 22 hours a day. The 40-day blockade of the Karakoram Highway - a vital Sino-Pakistani trade artery - further inflamed tensions.


Protesters have decried Islamabad’s tax collection in an unrepresented region, demanding representation and autonomy: “No tax without authorization” became their rallying cry.


The matter of land rights adds yet another layer of grievance. The Khalsa Sarkar laws facilitated the transfer of private land to influential elites, systematically dispossessing ordinary residents. The demographic balance, once a hallmark of relative sectarian harmony, is fraying. Investors from Pakistan’s heartland are buying up land and businesses, unsettling the Shia, Sunni, Ismaili and Nurbakhshi communities.


At the heart of Islamabad’s strategic calculus is energy. The Diamer-Bhasha Hydropower Project, slated to generate 4500 MW of electricity, is heralded as a national asset. But for the people of Gilgit-Baltistan, it is an ongoing tragedy: over 30,000 are set for forced relocation without adequate compensation, while demands for a fair share of hydraulic revenues go ignored. The hydropower wealth flows to Pakistan’s core, while the costs are borne by those on the periphery.


Climate change is compounding the crisis in Gilgit-Baltistan. The 2022 Shishper Glacier overflow destroyed the Hasanabad Bridge, severing access to upper Hunza for weeks. Such events are no longer anomalies but symptoms of an accelerating catastrophe. The glaciers that dominate the landscape, and once symbolized timeless endurance, are now melting rapidly, erasing both geography and livelihoods.


At the 60th session of the UN Human Rights Council in September 2025, India reiterated its legal claim over Gilgit-Baltistan, stressing that Pakistan’s systematic population transfers violated Article 49 of the Geneva Convention. Yet the international community’s response was tepid at best. The Pakistani narrative continues unchallenged, even as the region’s constitutional exclusion and human rights abuses grow more blatant.


The reality is undeniable. Gilgit-Baltistan is not an ordinary border region. It is, and has always been, part of India’s sovereign territory. Pakistan’s colonial administration masks itself as governance, but in truth, it is occupation. The constitutional limbo and demographic manipulation reveal a strategy of slow annexation under the cover of development.


True justice would mean more than a UN resolution or periodic diplomatic protest. It requires structural reform in the form of transparent governance, fair compensation, the right of the people to self-determination, and a role in national decision-making. Until Pakistan acknowledges the Indian claim, Gilgit-Baltistan will remain not a part of Pakistan, but India’s occupied frontier.

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