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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated,...

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated, highlighting the dramatic turnaround. He revealed that from approximately 100 Maoist cadres on record in January 2024, the number has plummeted to barely 10 individuals whose movements are now confined to a very small pocket of the Bhamragad sub-division in South Gadchiroli, near the Chhattisgarh border. “North Gadchiroli is now free of Maoism. The Maoists have to surrender and join the mainstream or face police action... there is no other option.” The SP attributes this success to a meticulously executed multi-pronged strategy encompassing intensified anti-Maoist operations, a robust Civic Action Programme, and the effective utilisation of Maharashtra’s attractive surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. The Gadchiroli Police, especially the elite C-60 commandos, have achieved significant operational milestones. In the last three years alone, they have neutralised 43 hardcore Maoists and achieved a 100 per cent success rate in operations without police casualties for nearly five years. SP Neelotpal highlighted that the security forces have aggressively moved to close the “security vacuum,” which was once an estimated 3,000 square kilometres of unpoliced territory used by Maoists for training and transit. The establishment of eight new police camps/Forward Operating Bases (FoBs) since January 2023, including in the remote Abujhmad foothills, has been crucial in securing these areas permanently. Winning Hearts, Minds The Civic Action Programme has been deemed a “game changer” by the SP. Through schemes like ‘Police Dadalora Khidaki’ and ‘Project Udaan’, the police have transformed remote outposts into service delivery centres, providing essential government services and employment opportunities. This sustained outreach has successfully countered Maoist propaganda and, most critically, resulted in zero Maoist recruitment from Gadchiroli for the last few years. Surrender Wave The state’s progressive rehabilitation policy has seen a massive influx of surrenders. “One sentiment is common among all the surrendered cadres: that the movement has ended, it has lost public support, and without public support, no movement can sustain,” the SP noted. The surrender of key figures, notably that of Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias ‘Bhupathi,’ a CPI (Maoist) Politburo member, and his wife Sangeeta, was a “landmark development” that triggered a surrender wave. Since June 2024, over 126 Maoists have surrendered. The rehabilitation program offers land, housing under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, and employment. Surrendered cadres are receiving skill training and are successfully transitioning into normal life, with around 70 already employed in the local Lloyds plant. A District Reborn The transformation of Gadchiroli is now moving beyond security concerns. With the decline of extremism, the district is rapidly moving towards development and normalcy. The implementation of development schemes, round-the-clock electricity, water supply, mobile towers, and new infrastructure like roads and bridges is being given top priority. He concludes that the police’s focus is now shifting from an anti-Maoist offensive to routine law-and-order policing, addressing new challenges like industrialisation, theft, and traffic management. With the Maoist movement in “complete disarray” and major strongholds like the Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh (MMC) Special Zone collapsing, the SP is highly optimistic. Gadchiroli is not just getting rid of the Naxal menace; it is embracing its future as a developing, peaceful district, well on track to meet the central government’s goal of eradicating Naxalism by March 31, 2026.

India’s Forgotten Frontier

Gilgit-Baltistan is, and has always been, part of India’s sovereign territory. Pakistan’s oppressive administration is occupation masquerading as governance.

Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan

When the glaciers burst in Gilgit-Baltistan, few outside the subcontinent seem to care. Yet this mountainous region, administered by Pakistan but claimed by India as part of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, stands at the intersection of geopolitical rivalry, constitutional ambiguity and gross humanitarian neglect. Recent floods, landslides and glacial lake outbursts have left tens of thousands of residents displaced, their homes reduced to mud and memory, their appeals for help largely unheard.


Recently, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) offered a damning indictment of its own government’s handling of the crisis. Relief efforts are shoddy and opaque, shelters unsafe, and basic services like clean water, electricity, healthcare, education are largely absent. Women, children, the disabled and transgender persons are disproportionately affected. The HRCP squarely blames the Pakistani government’s poor governance - driven by corruption, extractive policies and systematic neglect.


This brings one to the constitutional absurdity of the region’s status. In 2009, Pakistan granted Gilgit-Baltistan limited autonomy via presidential decree, falling far short of constitutional integration. Pakistan’s own courts have occasionally acknowledged the ambiguity. The region is neither a province nor fully autonomous; rather, it is an unrepresented territory administered as a colonial possession. By contrast, India has always viewed Gilgit-Baltistan as an inseparable part of Jammu and Kashmir, whose accession to India in 1947 remains internationally recognized though disputed.


The political unrest of recent years illustrates the region’s existential crisis. In the last two years, widespread protests have broken out there over soaring flour prices and power outages stretching up to 22 hours a day. The 40-day blockade of the Karakoram Highway - a vital Sino-Pakistani trade artery - further inflamed tensions.


Protesters have decried Islamabad’s tax collection in an unrepresented region, demanding representation and autonomy: “No tax without authorization” became their rallying cry.


The matter of land rights adds yet another layer of grievance. The Khalsa Sarkar laws facilitated the transfer of private land to influential elites, systematically dispossessing ordinary residents. The demographic balance, once a hallmark of relative sectarian harmony, is fraying. Investors from Pakistan’s heartland are buying up land and businesses, unsettling the Shia, Sunni, Ismaili and Nurbakhshi communities.


At the heart of Islamabad’s strategic calculus is energy. The Diamer-Bhasha Hydropower Project, slated to generate 4500 MW of electricity, is heralded as a national asset. But for the people of Gilgit-Baltistan, it is an ongoing tragedy: over 30,000 are set for forced relocation without adequate compensation, while demands for a fair share of hydraulic revenues go ignored. The hydropower wealth flows to Pakistan’s core, while the costs are borne by those on the periphery.


Climate change is compounding the crisis in Gilgit-Baltistan. The 2022 Shishper Glacier overflow destroyed the Hasanabad Bridge, severing access to upper Hunza for weeks. Such events are no longer anomalies but symptoms of an accelerating catastrophe. The glaciers that dominate the landscape, and once symbolized timeless endurance, are now melting rapidly, erasing both geography and livelihoods.


At the 60th session of the UN Human Rights Council in September 2025, India reiterated its legal claim over Gilgit-Baltistan, stressing that Pakistan’s systematic population transfers violated Article 49 of the Geneva Convention. Yet the international community’s response was tepid at best. The Pakistani narrative continues unchallenged, even as the region’s constitutional exclusion and human rights abuses grow more blatant.


The reality is undeniable. Gilgit-Baltistan is not an ordinary border region. It is, and has always been, part of India’s sovereign territory. Pakistan’s colonial administration masks itself as governance, but in truth, it is occupation. The constitutional limbo and demographic manipulation reveal a strategy of slow annexation under the cover of development.


True justice would mean more than a UN resolution or periodic diplomatic protest. It requires structural reform in the form of transparent governance, fair compensation, the right of the people to self-determination, and a role in national decision-making. Until Pakistan acknowledges the Indian claim, Gilgit-Baltistan will remain not a part of Pakistan, but India’s occupied frontier.

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