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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

SS (UBT)’s inbox and outbox

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena (UBT) is currently experiencing a second political earthquake in three years with an erosion of its base and a crisis of credibility, with a question mark over its future. A brief profile of the MPs in the current turmoil and those who remain loyal to ex-CM and party Chief Uddhav Thackeray. SS (UBT)’s nine Lok Sabha MPs elected in 2024: Anil Desai (Mumbai South Central), Arvind Sawant (Mumbai South), Bhausaheb Wakchaure (Shirdi), Nagesh Patil Ashtikar (Hingoli),...

SS (UBT)’s inbox and outbox

Mumbai: The Shiv Sena (UBT) is currently experiencing a second political earthquake in three years with an erosion of its base and a crisis of credibility, with a question mark over its future. A brief profile of the MPs in the current turmoil and those who remain loyal to ex-CM and party Chief Uddhav Thackeray. SS (UBT)’s nine Lok Sabha MPs elected in 2024: Anil Desai (Mumbai South Central), Arvind Sawant (Mumbai South), Bhausaheb Wakchaure (Shirdi), Nagesh Patil Ashtikar (Hingoli), Omprakash Nimbalkar (Dharashiv), Rajabhau Waze (Nashik), Sanjay Deshmukh (Yavatmal-Washim), Sanjay Jadhav (Parbhani), Sanjay Dina Patil (Mumbai North East) The ‘Dirty Half-Dozen’ Sanjay Dina-Patil: A two-time MP and seasoned Mumbai politician, Sanjay Dina Patil (57) is known for strong grassroots connect in eastern suburbs. His electoral journey started with the (undivided) Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) when he won the Bhandup Assembly seat in 2004. He entered Lok Sabha in 2009 defeating Bharatiya Janata Party’s sitting MP, Kirit Somaiya (Mumbai North-East). In 2019, he joined the (undivided) Shiv Sena and remained loyal to Uddhav Thackeray even after the June 2022 split. He was re-elected in 2024, trouncing BJP’s Mihir Kotecha. Hailing from a political family, his father Dina Bama-Patil was a trade unionist and MLA, while his mother Manorama Patil served nine-terms as a BMC Municipal Corporator. Sanjay Jadhav: Among one of Marathwada’s most experienced grassroots Shiv Sena leaders, Sanjay “Bandu” Jadhav is a two-term MLA and three-time MP from Parbhani. He came to prominence during Balasaheb Thackeray’s era, built a strong base in state politics before aspiring for a national role. He bagged Parbhani Lok Sabha seat in 2014, 2019 and 2024, but remained loyal to Shiv Sena (UBT) after the June 2022 split. His absence from certain key party meetings in recent times had fuelled speculation about his political plans, worrying the party top brass as Parbhani remained one of its strongest bastions in Marathwada for decades. Sanjay Deshmukh: Vidarbha veteran politician Sanjay “Sanjubhau” Deshmukh boasts of a long and varied political career of over three decades, serving the party as its Yavatmal district President. However, he contested and won the Digras Assembly seat as an Independent in 1999 and 2004. He served as a Minister of State in the erstwhile Congress-NCP Democratic Front governments headed by Vilasrao Deshmukh and Sushilkumar Shinde. But after the 2022 Shiv Sena split, he returned to the Uddhav Thackeray faction that hugely boosted the party’s prospects in Vidarbha. Proving soothsayers right, he bagged the Yavatmal-Washim parliament seat as a SS (UBT) candidate, defeating Shiv Sena candidate Rajshri Patil in 2024. Nagesh Patil Ashtikar: A Marathwada strongman with strong roots in the cooperative sector, Nagesh Bapurao Patil-Ashtikar first entered the Maharashtra Assembly in 2014, winning the Hadgaon seat in Nanded district as a (undivided) Shiv Sena candidate. Though he failed to repeat in the 2019 Assembly election, he remained at the forefront and contested Hingoli as a SS (UBT) candidate in 2024, trouncing Shiv Sena’s Baburao Kadam. Bhausaheb Wakchaure: Bhausaheb Wakchaure, who represents the reserved Shirdi Lok Sabha constituency, is a familiar political figure in Ahilyanagar district and first entered Parliament in 2009 as a Shiv Sena candidate, defeating RPI(A) strongman Ramdas Athawale. Just before the 2014 elections, he switched to the Congress but lost the polls. A decade later in 2024, Wakchaure staged a smashing return as a SS (UBT) candidate, vanquishing MP Sadashiv Lokhande of Shiv Sena, to emerge as a key political player in the region. Omprakash “Om Raje” Nimbalkar: One of the younger faces in state politics, Omprakash Bhupalsinh alias Omraje Nimbalkar, 42, first won the Osmanabad Assembly seat in 2009 before spreading his wings in national politics. In the 2019 Lok Sabha election, he defeated Ranajagjitsinh Padamsinh Patil and remained with Uddhav Thackeray after the 2022 Shiv Sena split. He was re-elected from Osmanabad in 2024, crushing Archana Ranajagjitsinh Patil. As admitted by him, Nimbalkar’s political career has been shaped by a long-standing family feud - his father, Congress leader Pawanraje Nimbalkar, was murdered in 2006. The sensational case led to the arrest of former minister Padamsinh Patil, a powerful relative and the murder trial verdict is awaited this weekend. Left-over Loyalists Arvind Sawant: Hailing from a middle-class family the now dapper Arvind Sawant joined student politics in 1968, then worked with the MTNL as an engineer and in 1995, he took VRS to join the (undivided) Shiv Sena. He was elected as MLC twice but lost in the third attempt and was fielded in the 2014 Lok Sabha from the prestigious Mumbai South when he defeated Milind M. Deora – ex-Congress central minister and currently a Shiv Sena Rajya Sabha MP – and later Yamini Jadhav of Shiv Sena in 2024. He served briefly as a Union Minister under PM Narendra Modi before quitting to throw his lot with the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) formed after the 2024 Assembly elections. An educated face of the party, close to the Thackeray family and his proficiency in multiple languages, he served as the party Spokesperson. Anil Desai: A low-profile long-time busy backroom boy of the (undivided) Shiv Sena and later, the SS (UBT) the sophisticated and soft-spoken Anil Desai is regarded as a close Thackeray family advisor, for his strategies, expertise in managing elections, legal matters and as a behind-the-curtains tactician. His prowess in managing the party’s resources and coining slogans like ‘UTha Maharashtra’ (Wake up, Maharashtra), he was rewarded with two terms in Rajya Sabha (2012-2018), and later given a Lok Sabha ticket in 2024 when he defeated Shiv Sena’s Rahul Shewale. Rajabhau Waje: Hailing from an illustrious political family, Rajabhau Waje’s grandfather, Shankar Balaji Waje was a MLA (1962) from Sinnar, his grandmother Mathurabai Waje was the first woman Mayor of Sinnar Nagar Parishad in 1953, who later quit to plunge into the Samyukta Maharashtra Movement when she was jailed. Rajabhau Waje, active among the farmers, was elected as MLA in 2014 but lost the seat in 2019. In 2024, he was given a ticket by Shiv Sena (UBT) from Nashik in which he defeated Shiv Sena’s strongman Hemant Godse. Raut alleges MPs are being offered Rs 50 crore to defect Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Sanjay Raut on Wednesday alleged that some MPs from Maharashtra were being offered Rs 50 crore to switch sides, and challenged dissidents to quit. Holding a press conference in New Delhi, Raut said the people of Maharashtra and Shiv Sena (UBT) workers would not remain quiet if there was another split in the Uddhav Thackeray-led party which saw a major rebellion led by Eknath Shinde in 2022. Even as Raut adopted an aggressive tone, the fact that only three out of the nine Sena (UBT) Lok Sabha members Arvind Sawant, Anil Desai and Rajabhau Waje attended the press conference suggested that the party was facing a grave crisis. "I was told that the rate is Rs 50 crore, and Rs 15 crore each would be delivered by tonight. They (dissident MPs) were allegedly unwilling to board the aircraft (for Delhi) without receiving the money," he said. "If parties are being broken in this manner, fighting elections is meaningless," he said. All Sena (UBT) MPs were elected on the party's "mashal" (torch) symbol under Uddhav Thackeray's leadership, and "nobody has the right to betray that mandate", Raut said. Warning of a strong response, he said Maharashtra and the Sena (UBT) workers would not remain silent if there was a repeat of the events of 2022 when the undivided Shiv Sena split. "If anybody wants to leave, they should first resign. They have entered Parliament on our party's ticket," he added. During the press conference, Raut also lost his cool and used expletives against rebel MPs twice without naming anyone. He asked the media "not to cut" or mute that part. Notably, this is not the first time that Raut has used expletives at a press conference or in media interactions. He had asked mediapersons not to cut his expletives or mute them during the broadcast on such occasions. These MPs were elected because of Uddhav Thackeray and late (Shiv Sena founder) Bal Thackeray, not because of Prime Minister Narendra Modi or Maharashtra Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde, said Raut. "We have issued a whip and convened our parliamentary party meeting. We have also written to Lok Sabha Speaker Om Birla. Buying and breaking elected representatives is against democracy and the Constitution. A legal battle will follow. It is not so easy. Anyone who thinks that a few people can gather and settle matters through money is mistaken," he said. “The verdict in the 20-year-old murder case of the Om Raje Nimbalkar’s father was earlier scheduled to be delivered on Wednesday. He (Nimbalkar) was allegedly told that if he wanted a favourable verdict in the murder case of his father, he should join their group. If such things are happening, what remains of the (sanctity of) Constitution, the courts and democracy? Tomorrow's parliamentary party meeting will reveal the situation. Everyone has been invited and everyone should attend.” Sanjay Raut, MP, Shiv Sena (UBT) “If someone feels he is facing injustice, he can approach the party which has a system to listen to grievances and resolve them. There are people who have become MPs and MLAs multiple times. What more the party should give them? We are standing together and this (split) will not happen among MLAs.” Rahul Patil, MLA, Shiv Sena (UBT) “The people had voted against the BJP, but these MPs have disregarded that mandate and gone and sat in the BJP's lap.” Varsha Gaikwad, President, Mumbai Congress

India’s Forgotten Frontier

Gilgit-Baltistan is, and has always been, part of India’s sovereign territory. Pakistan’s oppressive administration is occupation masquerading as governance.

Gilgit-Baltistan
Gilgit-Baltistan

When the glaciers burst in Gilgit-Baltistan, few outside the subcontinent seem to care. Yet this mountainous region, administered by Pakistan but claimed by India as part of the erstwhile princely state of Jammu and Kashmir, stands at the intersection of geopolitical rivalry, constitutional ambiguity and gross humanitarian neglect. Recent floods, landslides and glacial lake outbursts have left tens of thousands of residents displaced, their homes reduced to mud and memory, their appeals for help largely unheard.


Recently, the Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) offered a damning indictment of its own government’s handling of the crisis. Relief efforts are shoddy and opaque, shelters unsafe, and basic services like clean water, electricity, healthcare, education are largely absent. Women, children, the disabled and transgender persons are disproportionately affected. The HRCP squarely blames the Pakistani government’s poor governance - driven by corruption, extractive policies and systematic neglect.


This brings one to the constitutional absurdity of the region’s status. In 2009, Pakistan granted Gilgit-Baltistan limited autonomy via presidential decree, falling far short of constitutional integration. Pakistan’s own courts have occasionally acknowledged the ambiguity. The region is neither a province nor fully autonomous; rather, it is an unrepresented territory administered as a colonial possession. By contrast, India has always viewed Gilgit-Baltistan as an inseparable part of Jammu and Kashmir, whose accession to India in 1947 remains internationally recognized though disputed.


The political unrest of recent years illustrates the region’s existential crisis. In the last two years, widespread protests have broken out there over soaring flour prices and power outages stretching up to 22 hours a day. The 40-day blockade of the Karakoram Highway - a vital Sino-Pakistani trade artery - further inflamed tensions.


Protesters have decried Islamabad’s tax collection in an unrepresented region, demanding representation and autonomy: “No tax without authorization” became their rallying cry.


The matter of land rights adds yet another layer of grievance. The Khalsa Sarkar laws facilitated the transfer of private land to influential elites, systematically dispossessing ordinary residents. The demographic balance, once a hallmark of relative sectarian harmony, is fraying. Investors from Pakistan’s heartland are buying up land and businesses, unsettling the Shia, Sunni, Ismaili and Nurbakhshi communities.


At the heart of Islamabad’s strategic calculus is energy. The Diamer-Bhasha Hydropower Project, slated to generate 4500 MW of electricity, is heralded as a national asset. But for the people of Gilgit-Baltistan, it is an ongoing tragedy: over 30,000 are set for forced relocation without adequate compensation, while demands for a fair share of hydraulic revenues go ignored. The hydropower wealth flows to Pakistan’s core, while the costs are borne by those on the periphery.


Climate change is compounding the crisis in Gilgit-Baltistan. The 2022 Shishper Glacier overflow destroyed the Hasanabad Bridge, severing access to upper Hunza for weeks. Such events are no longer anomalies but symptoms of an accelerating catastrophe. The glaciers that dominate the landscape, and once symbolized timeless endurance, are now melting rapidly, erasing both geography and livelihoods.


At the 60th session of the UN Human Rights Council in September 2025, India reiterated its legal claim over Gilgit-Baltistan, stressing that Pakistan’s systematic population transfers violated Article 49 of the Geneva Convention. Yet the international community’s response was tepid at best. The Pakistani narrative continues unchallenged, even as the region’s constitutional exclusion and human rights abuses grow more blatant.


The reality is undeniable. Gilgit-Baltistan is not an ordinary border region. It is, and has always been, part of India’s sovereign territory. Pakistan’s colonial administration masks itself as governance, but in truth, it is occupation. The constitutional limbo and demographic manipulation reveal a strategy of slow annexation under the cover of development.


True justice would mean more than a UN resolution or periodic diplomatic protest. It requires structural reform in the form of transparent governance, fair compensation, the right of the people to self-determination, and a role in national decision-making. Until Pakistan acknowledges the Indian claim, Gilgit-Baltistan will remain not a part of Pakistan, but India’s occupied frontier.

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