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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 7:24:18 pm

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no...

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no confirmed applicant. This follows earlier schemes with similar gaps. In January 2025, CIDCO’s ‘My Preferred Home’ scheme, offering around 26,000 homes across Navi Mumbai, attracted 1.36 lakh initial applications. However, only about 55,000 applicants paid the registration fee and around 22,000 deposited the required earnest money, leaving serious participation below the number of homes offered. A CAG-linked report on two CIDCO housing schemes in Kharghar found that, of 4,814 saleable tenements, allotment letters had been issued to 3,733 applicants and possession handed over to 3,317. Four years after the draw, 1,081 tenements remained unsold. CIDCO has also faced scrutiny over marketing expenditure. In 2023, reports questioned the appointment of private agencies to market and allot PMAY homes, stating that the agencies had received advances of more than Rs 100 crore before sales took place. CIDCO officials said external support was necessary given the scale of the programme. The scale of investment adds to the concern. CIDCO’s mass-housing programme envisaged 68,515 homes at an estimated cost of around Rs 15,300 crore. A 2024 report noted that thousands of completed homes were awaiting sale, locking up capital and increasing the authority’s financial burden. The latest homes are located in Taloja Sector 39, Kalamboli Bus Depot and Kharghar Bus Depot. Taloja accounts for 4,229 homes, followed by 257 in Kalamboli and 293 in Kharghar. Indicative prices range from around Rs 23.50 lakh in Taloja to Rs 37.70 lakh in Kalamboli and Rs 43.50 lakh in Kharghar. The figures point to a possible mismatch between what CIDCO considers affordable and what its target buyers can finance. Industry experts have noted that EWS homes priced at Rs 25 lakh or more may be difficult for households within the prescribed income ceiling, particularly after registration, stamp duty, floor-rise charges and other costs. Location may also influence demand. Taloja has seen rapid development and improved connectivity, including metro access, but buyers continue to weigh its distance from established employment centres and social infrastructure, as well as commuting costs. CIDCO maintains that its housing programme meets a genuine need in Navi Mumbai. Ashwin Mudgal, Vice Chairman and Managing Director, CIDCO, said, “The overwhelming response to the housing scheme reflects the aspirations of citizens to own a home in Navi Mumbai and their continued confidence in CIDCO’s planned development initiatives. CIDCO remains committed to providing affordable and quality housing opportunities in well-planned locations, enabling citizens to benefit from the region’s growing infrastructure and connectivity.” The authority has also highlighted the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) subsidy, under which eligible beneficiaries can receive Rs 2.5 lakh, subject to applicable guidelines and eligibility criteria. However, the repeated unsold inventory suggests that CIDCO’s challenge extends beyond construction. Pricing, apartment configurations, location, payment flexibility and connectivity may need to be reassessed before further public resources are committed.

Faith and Fog

A scuffle at the Sangam reveals how Uttar Pradesh’s politics struggles to manage mass devotion without turning it into a contest of power.

Uttar Pradesh
Uttar Pradesh

The Magh Mela, a part rival to the Kumbh, once again tested Uttar Pradesh’s ability to choreograph belief on a civilisational scale. As more than 4.5 crore devotees recently converged on the Sangam for Mauni Amavasya, an exercise in logistical endurance turned into a political flashpoint after a prominent seer was stopped by the police.


Opposition leaders, otherwise infamous for their disdain of Hinduism, meanwhile rushed in to scent sacrilege.


The seer in question, Jyotirpeeth Shankaracharya Swami Avimukteshwaranand Saraswati, arrived with a large entourage seeking to proceed to the Sangam for the ritual bath. Police officials say he attempted to breach a barricade near Bridge Number 2 without prior permission, accompanied by 200–250 followers, at a time when the ghats were already under crushing pressure. He was stopped. He returned without taking the dip. A few minutes of disruption were enough to ignite a day-long political storm.


Former Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav, the leader of the Samajwadi Party, not otherwise known for championing Hindu practices, circulated videos of the episode and demanded a probe, declaring the ‘mistreatment’ of saints unpardonable. Draping himself in the language of continuity and custom, he lamented the disruption of the centuries-old tradition of the Shahi Snan - an inheritance he rarely invokes except in this case when it serves to embarrass the Yogi Adityanath-led BJP government.


The police, meanwhile, insisted that safety, not status, was the governing principle. With tens of millions funnelled through a limited stretch of riverbank, even symbolic breaches can trigger physical danger. Officials pointed to the scale of preparations: 800 hectares divided into seven sectors; more than 25,000 toilets; 3,500 sanitation workers; 10,000 police personnel; civil defence volunteers; reflective tapes on poles; bike-taxis and golf carts; flower petals showered from helicopters on the Chief Minister’s instructions.


Managing a religious congregation of this magnitude is an administrative feat bordering on the impossible. The Uttar Pradesh government has, largely, prevented major disasters so far except for the stampeded at the Maha Kumbh. But Hindu religious authority is not merely another stakeholder to be processed through barricades and permits. In a polity where religion is central to political legitimacy, the optics of a Shankaracharya being halted by uniformed police are bound to resonate far beyond the bridge where it occurred.


India’s modern state has long oscillated between reverence and regulation when it comes to mass faith. Colonial administrators fretted over pilgrim taxes and crowd control; post-Independence governments inherited both the crowds and the anxiety. What has changed under the BJP is the explicit fusion of religious symbolism with political authority. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath is himself a saffron-robed monk. The government’s claim to cultural stewardship therefore raises expectations of seamless deference to religious figures that sometimes collide with the realities of crowd science and risk management.


Akhilesh Yadav’s intervention, meanwhile, is less about the sanctity of saints than the sanctity of political opportunity. The Samajwadi Party has long accused the BJP of hollowing out Hindu tradition in favour of spectacle and control. By casting the incident as an insult to Sanatani custom, he seeks to prise open a space in what is otherwise the BJP’s most secure ideological territory.


The deeper problem lies in the blurred hierarchy at events like the Magh Mela. Who, precisely, has the right of way: the anonymous devotee who has walked for days, or the seer whose authority is symbolic but whose following magnifies risk?


Uttar Pradesh’s government would do well to recognise that order alone is not legitimacy. Clear protocols, transparently communicated to religious leaders well in advance, would reduce the scope for confrontation. Equally, seers who command large followings must acknowledge that devotion without discipline can turn lethal. The Sangam is not just a site of salvation but a potentially lethal bottleneck.


In the end, Mauni Amavasya passed without tragedy, which is no small achievement. But the episode exposed a familiar paradox that a state government strong enough to marshal millions remains curiously fragile in the face of symbolism. 


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