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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Tibetan refugees protest in Mumbai

Supporters from the Tibetan Youth Congress react during a protest at Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Monday against China's new ethnic unity law. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Over 250 Tibetan refugees, activists and members of the Friends of Tibet took out a rally and demonstrated near the Chinese Consulate in Mumbai as part of an international action to protest against China’s new Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law (EUPPL). The Tibetans living in Mumbai were joined by other protestors from...

Tibetan refugees protest in Mumbai

Supporters from the Tibetan Youth Congress react during a protest at Azad Maidan in Mumbai on Monday against China's new ethnic unity law. Pic: Bhushan Koyande Mumbai: Over 250 Tibetan refugees, activists and members of the Friends of Tibet took out a rally and demonstrated near the Chinese Consulate in Mumbai as part of an international action to protest against China’s new Ethnic Unity and Progress Promotion Law (EUPPL). The Tibetans living in Mumbai were joined by other protestors from Bhandara (Maharashtra) and Mundgod (Karnataka) and a relay hunger strike was also taken up the Tibetan Youth Congress (TYC) in Dharamshala, Himachal Pradesh, said Coordinator, Tenzin Tsundue. The day started with a silent rally from Rajgriha, the home of the late Dr. B. R. Ambedkar to his memorial, Chaityabhoomi, both in Dadar. Another rally-cum-demonstration was carried out near Nariman Point where the Chinese Consulate is located and at the Azad Maidan, said Tsundue. “We carried out a peaceful protest at Nariman Point and wanted to go and submit a memorandum to the Chinese Consul-General. However, the police prevented us, detained a few Tibetans and sent them back to Azad Maidan,” Tsundue told ‘The Perfect Voice’, from the venue. He said that Tibetans and others like Uyghurs are strongly opposed to the new law which came into effect last week, despite criticism from the United Nations Organisation (UNO), Taiwan, TYC and human rights groups worldwide. Their prime concerns are that the (EUPPL) could place further restrictions on the minorities’ rights, deepen assimilation policies targeting the ethnic groups and dilute the protection to their respective languages, cultures and traditions. China’s Denial One provision is said to allow individuals to be held accountable for alleged violations of the Chinese laws even outside the country, raising apprehensions it could target the government’s critics or campaigners abroad. However, China has rubbished all allegations of rights abuses against the ethnic minority group, and reiterated that its policies aim to promote social stability, security and economic development for all. Unconvinced, Tibetans and Uyghurs have urged the international community to build pressure on China to strike down the EUPPL as “it aims to erase the minority communities”. The Mainland Affairs Council of Taiwan has argued that Taiwanese are already facing high risks travelling to China and now the country has “yet another law to fabricate charges”, and it could deploy it “to further suppress and prosecute human rights activists”. TYC slams China The TYC said that the international action today was dedicated to the memory of the supreme sacrifice of Lobga Rangzen who self-immolated himself outside the UN Headquarters in New York on July 2 to draw the world’s attention to the cause of Tibet. Rejecting the new law, the TYC said: “This legislation is not a law of unity but a political instrument to force assimilation of nations living under Chinese occupation, like Tibet, East Turkestan, Southern Mongolia, and Manchuria. Behind the language of ‘ethnic unity’ lies an agenda of Unilateral control by institutionalising policies aimed at assimilating Tibetans through political domination.” It accused China of attempts “to erase national identities by suppressing distinct languages, undermining religious institutions, rewriting history, destroying cultural heritage, separating children from their communities through state run colonial boarding schools, and replacing distinct identities with loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party”.

Faith and Fog

A scuffle at the Sangam reveals how Uttar Pradesh’s politics struggles to manage mass devotion without turning it into a contest of power.

Uttar Pradesh
Uttar Pradesh

The Magh Mela, a part rival to the Kumbh, once again tested Uttar Pradesh’s ability to choreograph belief on a civilisational scale. As more than 4.5 crore devotees recently converged on the Sangam for Mauni Amavasya, an exercise in logistical endurance turned into a political flashpoint after a prominent seer was stopped by the police.


Opposition leaders, otherwise infamous for their disdain of Hinduism, meanwhile rushed in to scent sacrilege.


The seer in question, Jyotirpeeth Shankaracharya Swami Avimukteshwaranand Saraswati, arrived with a large entourage seeking to proceed to the Sangam for the ritual bath. Police officials say he attempted to breach a barricade near Bridge Number 2 without prior permission, accompanied by 200–250 followers, at a time when the ghats were already under crushing pressure. He was stopped. He returned without taking the dip. A few minutes of disruption were enough to ignite a day-long political storm.


Former Chief Minister Akhilesh Yadav, the leader of the Samajwadi Party, not otherwise known for championing Hindu practices, circulated videos of the episode and demanded a probe, declaring the ‘mistreatment’ of saints unpardonable. Draping himself in the language of continuity and custom, he lamented the disruption of the centuries-old tradition of the Shahi Snan - an inheritance he rarely invokes except in this case when it serves to embarrass the Yogi Adityanath-led BJP government.


The police, meanwhile, insisted that safety, not status, was the governing principle. With tens of millions funnelled through a limited stretch of riverbank, even symbolic breaches can trigger physical danger. Officials pointed to the scale of preparations: 800 hectares divided into seven sectors; more than 25,000 toilets; 3,500 sanitation workers; 10,000 police personnel; civil defence volunteers; reflective tapes on poles; bike-taxis and golf carts; flower petals showered from helicopters on the Chief Minister’s instructions.


Managing a religious congregation of this magnitude is an administrative feat bordering on the impossible. The Uttar Pradesh government has, largely, prevented major disasters so far except for the stampeded at the Maha Kumbh. But Hindu religious authority is not merely another stakeholder to be processed through barricades and permits. In a polity where religion is central to political legitimacy, the optics of a Shankaracharya being halted by uniformed police are bound to resonate far beyond the bridge where it occurred.


India’s modern state has long oscillated between reverence and regulation when it comes to mass faith. Colonial administrators fretted over pilgrim taxes and crowd control; post-Independence governments inherited both the crowds and the anxiety. What has changed under the BJP is the explicit fusion of religious symbolism with political authority. Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath is himself a saffron-robed monk. The government’s claim to cultural stewardship therefore raises expectations of seamless deference to religious figures that sometimes collide with the realities of crowd science and risk management.


Akhilesh Yadav’s intervention, meanwhile, is less about the sanctity of saints than the sanctity of political opportunity. The Samajwadi Party has long accused the BJP of hollowing out Hindu tradition in favour of spectacle and control. By casting the incident as an insult to Sanatani custom, he seeks to prise open a space in what is otherwise the BJP’s most secure ideological territory.


The deeper problem lies in the blurred hierarchy at events like the Magh Mela. Who, precisely, has the right of way: the anonymous devotee who has walked for days, or the seer whose authority is symbolic but whose following magnifies risk?


Uttar Pradesh’s government would do well to recognise that order alone is not legitimacy. Clear protocols, transparently communicated to religious leaders well in advance, would reduce the scope for confrontation. Equally, seers who command large followings must acknowledge that devotion without discipline can turn lethal. The Sangam is not just a site of salvation but a potentially lethal bottleneck.


In the end, Mauni Amavasya passed without tragedy, which is no small achievement. But the episode exposed a familiar paradox that a state government strong enough to marshal millions remains curiously fragile in the face of symbolism. 


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