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By:

Abhijit Joshi

31 August 2024 at 10:09:24 am

Sunetra Pawar’s Trial by Fire

The greatest challenge before Maharashtra’s first Deputy CM is not merely to govern, but to forge a political identity that is unmistakably her own. Politics often rewards the loudest voice. The modern political arena thrives on sharp sound bites, relentless television appearances and instant responses on social media. Yet, some leaders begin their journey not with thunder but with quiet resolve. Maharashtra’s Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar finds herself at precisely such a moment. In...

Sunetra Pawar’s Trial by Fire

The greatest challenge before Maharashtra’s first Deputy CM is not merely to govern, but to forge a political identity that is unmistakably her own. Politics often rewards the loudest voice. The modern political arena thrives on sharp sound bites, relentless television appearances and instant responses on social media. Yet, some leaders begin their journey not with thunder but with quiet resolve. Maharashtra’s Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar finds herself at precisely such a moment. In recent days, she has been drawn into an avoidable political controversy after the Maharashtra Congress dubbed her as “Gungi Gudiya” (“mute doll”) following a media interaction in which she chose not to answer journalists' questions. The remark quickly snowballed into a wider debate about the language used against women occupying high constitutional office. It also revived memories of the same epithet once directed at late Congress Prime Minister Indira Gandhi before she went on to become one of India’s most formidable political figures. Until recently, Sunetra Pawar remained largely outside the glare of frontline politics. She was better known in Baramati for her work in education, healthcare and social welfare than for fiery speeches or electoral campaigns. Her public image was that of a composed, private individual who preferred institution-building to political theatre. Political Limelight That changed in 2024 when she entered electoral politics, contesting the Lok Sabha election from Baramati against her sister-in-law, Supriya Sule. Though unsuccessful, she later entered Parliament through the Rajya Sabha, where she quietly focused on organisational responsibilities and social initiatives rather than cultivating a high-profile parliamentary persona. The defining moment came in January this year with the tragic death of her husband, Ajit Pawar, one of the state’s most experienced and influential political leaders. His passing created a political vacuum within the Nationalist Congress Party. At a moment of uncertainty, Sunetra Pawar stepped forward to shoulder responsibilities that few had imagined she would inherit so soon. Within days, she became Maharashtra’s first woman Deputy Chief Minister - a milestone in the state’s political history. But such transitions are rarely straightforward. Political parties often struggle when towering personalities disappear, and observers had predicted that the NCP might witness internal divisions. Maintaining organisational cohesion during a leadership transition is itself a considerable achievement, particularly in a state where political loyalties are often fluid and intensely personalised. However, much of the public conversation around Sunetra Pawar continues to be framed through comparisons with Ajit Pawar. The contrast is obvious. Ajit Pawar was known for his decisiveness, administrative grip and unmistakable public presence. Sunetra Pawar, by contrast, has generally remained soft-spoken, measured and reluctant to engage in unnecessary confrontation. Her supporters see restraint, dignity and maturity but critics see hesitation and insufficient public engagement. Neither assessment is entirely unfair. That is why the recent Beed incident acquired significance beyond a routine press interaction. When reporters sought her comments on law and order and she chose to leave without responding, the political vacuum was quickly filled by her opponents. The Congress’s “Gungi Gudiya” remark predictably provoked protests from the NCP and criticism from leaders across the ruling alliance, many of whom argued that such language diminished the dignity of a woman holding one of the state’s highest offices. Sunetra Pawar’s own response was notably restrained. She said she would offer a “fitting reply at the appropriate time.” The remark was consistent with the temperament she has displayed since entering public life. Leadership is ultimately judged not only by composure but also by visibility. Every major political figure eventually reaches a point where inherited legitimacy must give way to earned authority. Indira Gandhi had to step beyond Jawaharlal Nehru's towering legacy before she was recognised in her own right. Rajiv Gandhi, too, had to emerge from the shadow of Indira Gandhi while navigating extraordinary political circumstances. Their journeys were shaped by vastly different contexts, but they illustrate a universal truth: every successor must eventually become an original. Sunetra Pawar now confronts a similar, though far more modest, challenge. She must cease to be viewed primarily as “Ajit Pawar's wife” and come into her own. Distinct Identity That transformation cannot be achieved through symbolism alone. After all, lasting political stature is built through decisions, administrative outcomes and public confidence. To her credit, she has remained engaged with governance, regularly attending official programmes, reviewing development projects and interacting with citizens instead of chasing daily headlines. Yet the next stage of leadership demands something more. She will need to engage more confidently with the media, articulate her government's priorities in her own voice, and establish an administrative record that reflects independent judgement rather than inherited expectations. These are demanding tasks, but they are neither unusual nor unattainable. It is still too soon to measure Sunetra Pawar’s political legacy. She assumed responsibility at a moment when both her party and the state were adjusting to an unexpected transition, and has so far navigated that passage with composure. Yet political inheritance has a limited shelf life. While quietness, in itself, is neither a virtue nor a weakness, it acquires meaning only when it is accompanied by clarity and conviction. If Sunetra Pawar is to leave an enduring imprint on Maharashtra's politics, it will not be by echoing the style of Ajit Pawar or by answering every taunt from her opponents. It will be by developing a public voice that reflects her own instincts, her own priorities and, ultimately, her own leadership. (The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

India will have 123 million electric vehicles on-road by 2032: Report

  • PTI
  • May 6, 2025
  • 2 min read


New Delhi: India will have 123 million electric vehicles (EVs) on the road by 2032, after getting a boost from the incentives of the National EV Targets (NEV), according to a joint report by IESA (India Energy Storage Alliance) and CES (Customized Energy Solutions).



The report estimates that India's cumulative on-road lithium-ion electric vehicle (EV) population increased nearly twelvefold, rising from 0.35 million in 2019 to 4.4 million in 2024.



This rapid growth has been fuelled by supportive government policies, such as the FAME-II scheme, which offers demand incentives for electric two-wheelers, three-wheelers, and four-wheelers, along with capital subsidies for public charging infrastructure.



It further highlighted that electric two and three-wheelers together accounted for over 93 per cent of India's on-road EV stock in 2024. In contrast, electric four-wheelers represented around 6 per cent, while electric buses and trucks comprised less than 1 per cent.



Notably, the personal electric four-wheeler (E4W) segment has emerged as a key driver of the country's expanding private and home charging ecosystem.



As per the report, in 2024, there were approximately 220,000 personal electric four-wheelers (E4Ws) on roads, most of which depended on Type-2 AC chargers installed in residential areas.



By that same year, India had an estimated 320,000 private Type-2 AC chargers, with 70 per cent being 3.3 kW units, 28 per cent 7.4 kW units, and the remaining 11-22 kW units classified as high-capacity.



India had roughly 76,000 cumulative public and captive charging points in 2024, with a combined installed capacity of 1.3 GW.



While AC-001 chargers made up nearly half of all installed points, the overall installed capacity was dominated by CCS2 chargers, reflecting the growing demand for high-power DC fast charging.



Commenting on the report, Debmalya Sen, President of IESA, said, " To support the projected EV growth, we can anticipate that India's cumulative installed EV charging points--public and captive--will need to grow nearly 12 to 28 times, from around 76,000 in 2024 to between 0.9 million and 2.1 million by 2032. Installed charging capacity must also scale more than 17 times, rising from 1.3 GW to 23 GW, depending on EV adoption and infrastructure utilisation levels."



Vinayak Walimbe, the Managing Director of Customized Energy Solutions India Pvt Ltd. says, "The NEV scenario is based on the EV30@30 ambition, assuming that by 2030, EV penetration reaches 80 per cent for electric two- and three-wheelers, 30 per cent for private electric four-wheelers, 70 per cent for commercial cars, and 40 per cent for electric buses--fully aligning with NITI Aayog's vision for transport electrification."



By 2032, the projected stock of electric vehicles (EVs) is expected to reach approximately 4.3 million, 5.8 million, and 10 million electric four-wheelers under the Worst Case, Business as Usual (BAU), and New Energy Vehicle (NEV) scenarios, respectively.



In addition, electric buses and trucks could grow to around 450,000, 750,000, and 1.1 million units. These two segments are crucial drivers of demand for both captive and public charging infrastructure, particularly for high-power DC fast charging.

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