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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Platform Politics

Meta’s apology to the Government of India revives the uncomfortable question of who really controls the flow of political information in today’s turbulent times, the voter or the platform? When the world’s largest social media company admits that it wrongly restricted Prime Minister Modi’s post during a volatile moment in Indian democracy, the issue extends far beyond a single moderation error. Meta’s chief global affairs officer, Joel Kaplan, apologised to Union IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw...

Platform Politics

Meta’s apology to the Government of India revives the uncomfortable question of who really controls the flow of political information in today’s turbulent times, the voter or the platform? When the world’s largest social media company admits that it wrongly restricted Prime Minister Modi’s post during a volatile moment in Indian democracy, the issue extends far beyond a single moderation error. Meta’s chief global affairs officer, Joel Kaplan, apologised to Union IT Minister Ashwini Vaishnaw for restricting the PM’s post, attributing the incident to an ‘operational’ mistake. That explanation does not answer the larger concerns surrounding Meta’s role in shaping political narratives in India. Technology companies insist that they are neutral conduits. But experience suggests otherwise. Their algorithms decide what millions see, what remains invisible and what goes viral. As was evinced in protests in Nepal and Bangladesh, those decisions have influenced public opinion profoundly as any political campaign. These questions are particularly serious given the allegations surrounding the campaign mounted by the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP), which spearheaded the protests over the NEET paper leak. The degeneration of the protests has raised strong suspicions that the protests were hardly organic but receiving paid amplification on social media. Public opinion in a democracy should be shaped by genuine public sentiment and not by opaque algorithms operating inside corporate headquarters thousands of kilometres away. This is not simply about Narendra Modi or the BJP. It is about India’s sovereignty over its own democratic conversation. Elections, protests and political debates must be decided by Indians, not by Western recommendation engines whose workings remain secret and whose executives answer primarily to shareholders in California. If Meta has nothing to hide, it should voluntarily disclose whether content relating to the CJP protests received preferential treatment, whether any exceptional amplification occurred, who authorised it and under what policies. Transparency, and not carefully worded apologies, is the only credible response. No democracy can permit foreign technology companies to become unelected arbiters of its political discourse. When they amplify selectively, they risk manufacturing political momentum that appears organic but may not be. The concern is not confined to one company. Increasingly, global technology corporations possess powers once reserved for states. They curate information, moderate speech, recommend narratives and determine digital visibility for billions. Yet they operate with limited public accountability. That imbalance between influence and responsibility is becoming one of the defining democratic challenges of the digital age. If Meta can inadvertently silence the elected Indian Prime Minister, we are entitled to ask what else its invisible systems may have amplified, buried or shaped without their knowledge.

Indian Shipbuilding A Must Win Marathon

Shipbuilding

With a coastline of 7500 KM, it is hard to imagine, that for the first 20 years (1947-1967) India had no ‘shipping ministry’. In 1967 a Shipping ministry “coupled” with ROAD transport was established. Since then, this ministry has been on a name changing ride, not once, not twice but six times. In 2009 the “ROAD Transport and Highways” was de-coupled and ‘Shipping’ ministry was formed. Turning point came in 2015 with a clear maritime vision for 2030 and 2047. Ministry was re-christened, aptly to Ministry of “Ports, Shipping and Waterways” in 2020.


Why is Shipbuilding important for a country?

a. A Shipyard becomes an opportunity hub and like a queen bee requires the support of an industrial colony to manufacture machinery and equipment.

b. National Shipyards support fleet renewal needs of the Navy.

c. Contributes to national GDP, increases inflow of FOREX.


Korea shipbuilding is 8% of GDP. Japan’s automobile industry is 2.9% of GDP. India’s shipbuilding a meagre 0.000578% of GDP. In context, India’s pharmaceutical industry, ranked third largest in the world is 1.72% of India’s GDP.


International Shipbuilding Market

The market is estimated to reach around USD 200 billion by 2029, growing at a CAGR of 4.84%. While India is at bottom with 0.07% of world share, behind Philippines 1.5% and Vietnam 1%, however on the positive side, India has done well in taking care of its defence needs, with 37 of 39 Naval ships being built in India yards. Rear Admiral S Shrikhande researching on maritime as a Fellow at Wollongong University, Australia, says “Shipbuilding in India needs both, serious incentivisation and dogged determination and not harping on being a big ship breaking country. That Garden Reach shipyard has a $54 million order for merchant ships from a German owner, is a good sign.”


Were Shipyards of 20th century in Flight mode?

Prominent shipyards in India were built in the colonial period. Mazagon Dock 1774, Garden reach 1884, Hindustan shipyard 1941 to cater to British navy and merchant fleet needs. Cochin shipyard 1972, Adani Katupalli 2013, Reliance Naval and Engineering, Rajula Gujarat 1997 and others have limited capacity, hence a lot more work to do. Capt. Subhangshu Dutt (Singapore) a mariner and now a shipowner, says “GOI should hold hands in any collaboration till the marriage with the foreign entity is reasonably stable. He also suggests that “new shipbuilding sites should be given to existing successful shipyards since they have decades of experience and talent. Consortium of 3 or more parties may also be good idea”.


Shipbuilding GOLD

As per SPLASH report the demand for LCO2 carriers could reach 2,500 ships by 2050. As per other estimates, 40% of global fleet of ships could have wind propulsion by 2050. A surge in such vessels is due to an unparallel waves of decarbonization in the shipping industry. Demand for ships with ‘carbon neutral’ badges, such as Dual fuel, Wind assisted, Nuclear fuel ships, Hydrogen powered ships, Liquified CO2 (LCO2) carrier, is outstripping supply. A must in the ‘bucket list’ of every Shipyard. Pinning down a standard ROI in shipbuilding is not easy, but experts suggest it could range from 4% to 15% for the high demand ‘carbon neutral’ ships. While an LNG new build vessel could cost US$ 250 million upwards.


International collaboration

On China’s shipbuilding success story, Manoj Pandalanghat (Singapore) a mariner and ship owner believes that “China has around 50 active Shipyards. Each have a few large dry docks. In each dock two or more large vessels are built simultaneously. Thus, a single yard is able to roll out 2/3 vessels/month, 36 vessels/year and 50 shipyards roll out 1800 vessels/year”.


China could be a jaldi-5, but India needs a sturdy Mount Fiji. Besides technology, Japanese bring the most important hand baggage of soft-skills and culture, essential for success from keel laying to delivery. Maruti’s is a standing example.


Food for thought for New Delhi

a. Expertise: Hire Naval Architects and shipbuilding experts with current international experience.

b. Government assistance: Land, Financial support, subsidies and timebound clearances.

c. Monitoring: PMO should monitor the first 5 to 10 years till Shipbuilding takes-off on this long-haul flight to destination 2047.


India’s Shipbuilding is expected to grow to $237 billion by year 2047. On a back of the envelope calculations this works out to about 4% of India’s 2047 projected GDP of $ 5 trillion. While cars are driven on roads, however the Ministry of roads and transport has little to do with “Automobile manufacturing”. On a similar note, ‘Shipbuilding’ as an industry has little to do with Ports, Shipping and Waterways, thus it may be worthwhile to consider a separate ‘Ship-building’ wing in the Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways headed by a dynamic cabinet rank minister. Since 2047 targets are stiff and an uphill task, so in all probabilities, the officials in Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways are likely to push beneath the carpet, delays and failures of Shipbuilding with sweet success stories of “Ports, Shipping and Waterways” and if this does happen then India will not only miss the Shipbuilding bus of 21st century but a lot more from a national security and strategic perspective.


(The author is a Shipping and Marine consultant. Member Singapore Shipping Association and empaneled with IMO as a specialist consultant. Views personal.)

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