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By:

Rupak Bardhan Roy

17 March 2026 at 2:34:57 pm

Will Gen Z Bury Political Ideology?

From Kenya to Nepal, a digitally native generation is challenging the ideological foundations on which modern politics has long rested. Between 2024 and 2026, across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, a series of rapid, leaderless political uprisings erupted, fundamentally driven by citizens under the age of thirty. Commonly dubbed as the ‘Global Gen Z uprisings,’ these movements systematically unseated ruling regimes, dismantled political dynasties, and forced constitutional re-evaluations....

Will Gen Z Bury Political Ideology?

From Kenya to Nepal, a digitally native generation is challenging the ideological foundations on which modern politics has long rested. Between 2024 and 2026, across Asia, Africa, and Latin America, a series of rapid, leaderless political uprisings erupted, fundamentally driven by citizens under the age of thirty. Commonly dubbed as the ‘Global Gen Z uprisings,’ these movements systematically unseated ruling regimes, dismantled political dynasties, and forced constitutional re-evaluations. While traditional political science has historically viewed revolutions through the lens of competing ideologies - capitalism versus socialism or secularism versus religious nationalism - the generational wave of the mid-2020s introduced an entirely different model. Driven by a hyper-connected generation demanding technocratic competence, structural fairness and the protection of their digital spaces, these movements are fundamentally post-ideological. Youth Mobilization This global cycle of youth mobilization began in June 2024 in East Africa. Entirely organized on TikTok and X (formerly Twitter), young Kenyans launched the ‘Reject Finance Bill’ movement to debunk aggressive state tax hikes on everyday household necessities. Operating without traditional political figureheads, protesters utilized artificial intelligence translation tools, digital crowdfunding campaigns, and geo-located mapping to outmanoeuvre security apparatuses. The movement culminated in the breach and partial burning of the parliament building in Nairobi. President William Ruto had to completely withdraw the tax legislation and dismiss his cabinet. Weeks later, in July 2024, the operational blueprint was finalized in the student–people’s revolution in Bangladesh. University students mobilized in masses to oppose a prevalent employment quota system. In an economy choked by acute underemployment, the policy was seen as institutionalized nepotism to reward ruling party loyalists. Following a severe state crackdown, by August 2024, mass civilian marches overran Dhaka, forcing Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to resign and flee the country, ending her fifteen-year tenure and replacing it with an interim council. Though there have been certain discourses over the movement being hijacked by the overtly fundamentalist Jamat, an open election last year has proved substantially otherwise. Similar occurrences of civil protests organized by Gen Z also erupted and flourished to success during August-September 2025 in Indonesia over Government allocation of funds for the political elites amid state’s financial constraints. The global contagion also crossed back into Africa (Madagascar) in October 2025, driven by systemic inflation and infrastructure failures. The president fled the country, and the incoming temporary administration instituted radical transparency measures. The peak of this physical confrontational phase occurred in Nepal in September 2025, during the ‘Jan Andolan III’ movement. Triggered directly by the sudden ban on twenty-six major digital platforms including TikTok and YouTube, the youth viewed this policy as a deliberate destruction of their digital livelihoods. Following a violent confrontation at Maitighar Mandala in Kathmandu, nationwide riots forced the resignation of Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli and eventually to the choice of judicial figurehead to lead an interim government. By early this year, the movement shifted from external street disruption to internal systemic transformation, finally embodied by Nepal’s historic general elections on March 5. Though in its nascent and purely digital counter-narrative state, this phenomenon has hit our country in the form of the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP). Following the controversial remarks by the Chief Justice of India, young digital strategists launched the CJP under the hashtag ‘#MainBhiCockroach.’ The movement gained nineteen million followers in five days, proving that the undercurrents of generational frustration could bypass physical conflict entirely and manifest as overwhelming digital narrative warfare. To understand why these diverse geographic events occurred in serial concordance, one must look beyond standard copybook political explanations. Though unemployment is the structural backbone for these movements, the uprisings feature an amalgam of economic stagnation, mobility constraints and the abrupt termination of technocratic access. Historically, developing states with high youth accumulation have substantially managed domestic stability through labour migration. In Nepal, for example, nearly 14 percent of the domestic labour force works abroad, sending home remittances that account for nearly one-third of the national GDP. When global economic slowdowns, rising visa costs, and tighter immigration quotas in the Gulf States, Malaysia, and Europe closed these traditional economic exit routes, the domestic pressure intensified. This economic constraint collided directly with the ‘relative deprivation gap’ accelerated by social media. Prior to the smartphone era, the wealth gap between the ruling political class and the working-class public was mostly obscured. Platforms like TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube fundamentally democratized the visibility of corruption. When governments attempted to resolve the resulting social friction by imposing digital blockades, they fundamentally misunderstood the nature of the modern internet. For Gen Z, the internet was their primary economic infrastructure. Shutting it down directly dismantled their freelance networks and digital micro-enterprises. With their domestic jobs non-existent, foreign visas unobtainable, and digital spaces blocked, millions of young people were left with no alternative but to occupy the streets. What emerges as the connecting characteristic of these global movements is the absolute absence of a unifying political ideology. Bypassing prevalent debates these movements operate as hyper-focused crusades for basic institutional functionality, accountability, and meritocracy. Tactical Agility This post-ideological stance gives the modern youth movement radical tactical agility. Because they are not bound to a rigid party manifesto, they can mobilize instantly around specific, tangible grievances. Traditional state apparatuses have been designed to combat structured opposition parties through ideological propaganda and counter-narratives to neutralize decentralized networks thriving on internet culture. The emergence of the Cockroach Janata Party perfectly illustrates this dynamic. By ironically adopting a satirical manifesto that combined serious demands with absurdist declarations of being a “lazy” party, the movement insulated itself from traditional state security crackdowns. The state’s attempt to suppress the CJP by restricting its social media accounts exposed that traditional structures do not know how to politically defeat a viral meme. However, if a regime change takes place like Nepal, this lack of structural ideology creates a profound systemic void. Because these movements are unified entirely by what they 'oppose rather than what they want to 'build', the post-revolution transition period is naturally fragile. It is within this vacuum of transition that Nepal’s current political experiment has become a vital case study for global politics. The centrist, youth-backed Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP) achieved an unprecedented landslide victory, the largest single-party majority since Nepal's restoration of democracy. If the Balen Shah administration achieves their proposed economic goals with acceptable deviation, it will provide a definitive proof-of-concept for modern governance: that technocratic competence can serve as a stable, standalone alternative to traditional political ideology. By treating national management as a problem of engineering and resource optimization, Nepal is actively testing whether a state can be effectively run on data, transparency and administrative efficiency. The global wave of Gen Z revolutions has fundamentally altered the rules of political engagement. Yet, the ultimate legacy of this generational shift will not be decided by the speed with which it clears the political slate, but by its capacity to govern. If the technocratic experiment currently underway in Nepal succeeds, it could serve as a blueprint for youth movements globally. Whether this marks the end of ideology or merely its latest reinvention remains uncertain. What is clear, however, is that a generation raised on algorithms, transparency and instant connectivity is no longer content to inherit the political assumptions of the twentieth century. If Gen Z succeeds in transforming protest into governance, the defining political divide of the future may no longer be between Left and Right, but between competence and incompetence. (The writer is a Lead Process Engineer with GE HealthCare in France and an author. Views personal.)

Indian Shipbuilding A Must Win Marathon

Shipbuilding

With a coastline of 7500 KM, it is hard to imagine, that for the first 20 years (1947-1967) India had no ‘shipping ministry’. In 1967 a Shipping ministry “coupled” with ROAD transport was established. Since then, this ministry has been on a name changing ride, not once, not twice but six times. In 2009 the “ROAD Transport and Highways” was de-coupled and ‘Shipping’ ministry was formed. Turning point came in 2015 with a clear maritime vision for 2030 and 2047. Ministry was re-christened, aptly to Ministry of “Ports, Shipping and Waterways” in 2020.


Why is Shipbuilding important for a country?

a. A Shipyard becomes an opportunity hub and like a queen bee requires the support of an industrial colony to manufacture machinery and equipment.

b. National Shipyards support fleet renewal needs of the Navy.

c. Contributes to national GDP, increases inflow of FOREX.


Korea shipbuilding is 8% of GDP. Japan’s automobile industry is 2.9% of GDP. India’s shipbuilding a meagre 0.000578% of GDP. In context, India’s pharmaceutical industry, ranked third largest in the world is 1.72% of India’s GDP.


International Shipbuilding Market

The market is estimated to reach around USD 200 billion by 2029, growing at a CAGR of 4.84%. While India is at bottom with 0.07% of world share, behind Philippines 1.5% and Vietnam 1%, however on the positive side, India has done well in taking care of its defence needs, with 37 of 39 Naval ships being built in India yards. Rear Admiral S Shrikhande researching on maritime as a Fellow at Wollongong University, Australia, says “Shipbuilding in India needs both, serious incentivisation and dogged determination and not harping on being a big ship breaking country. That Garden Reach shipyard has a $54 million order for merchant ships from a German owner, is a good sign.”


Were Shipyards of 20th century in Flight mode?

Prominent shipyards in India were built in the colonial period. Mazagon Dock 1774, Garden reach 1884, Hindustan shipyard 1941 to cater to British navy and merchant fleet needs. Cochin shipyard 1972, Adani Katupalli 2013, Reliance Naval and Engineering, Rajula Gujarat 1997 and others have limited capacity, hence a lot more work to do. Capt. Subhangshu Dutt (Singapore) a mariner and now a shipowner, says “GOI should hold hands in any collaboration till the marriage with the foreign entity is reasonably stable. He also suggests that “new shipbuilding sites should be given to existing successful shipyards since they have decades of experience and talent. Consortium of 3 or more parties may also be good idea”.


Shipbuilding GOLD

As per SPLASH report the demand for LCO2 carriers could reach 2,500 ships by 2050. As per other estimates, 40% of global fleet of ships could have wind propulsion by 2050. A surge in such vessels is due to an unparallel waves of decarbonization in the shipping industry. Demand for ships with ‘carbon neutral’ badges, such as Dual fuel, Wind assisted, Nuclear fuel ships, Hydrogen powered ships, Liquified CO2 (LCO2) carrier, is outstripping supply. A must in the ‘bucket list’ of every Shipyard. Pinning down a standard ROI in shipbuilding is not easy, but experts suggest it could range from 4% to 15% for the high demand ‘carbon neutral’ ships. While an LNG new build vessel could cost US$ 250 million upwards.


International collaboration

On China’s shipbuilding success story, Manoj Pandalanghat (Singapore) a mariner and ship owner believes that “China has around 50 active Shipyards. Each have a few large dry docks. In each dock two or more large vessels are built simultaneously. Thus, a single yard is able to roll out 2/3 vessels/month, 36 vessels/year and 50 shipyards roll out 1800 vessels/year”.


China could be a jaldi-5, but India needs a sturdy Mount Fiji. Besides technology, Japanese bring the most important hand baggage of soft-skills and culture, essential for success from keel laying to delivery. Maruti’s is a standing example.


Food for thought for New Delhi

a. Expertise: Hire Naval Architects and shipbuilding experts with current international experience.

b. Government assistance: Land, Financial support, subsidies and timebound clearances.

c. Monitoring: PMO should monitor the first 5 to 10 years till Shipbuilding takes-off on this long-haul flight to destination 2047.


India’s Shipbuilding is expected to grow to $237 billion by year 2047. On a back of the envelope calculations this works out to about 4% of India’s 2047 projected GDP of $ 5 trillion. While cars are driven on roads, however the Ministry of roads and transport has little to do with “Automobile manufacturing”. On a similar note, ‘Shipbuilding’ as an industry has little to do with Ports, Shipping and Waterways, thus it may be worthwhile to consider a separate ‘Ship-building’ wing in the Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways headed by a dynamic cabinet rank minister. Since 2047 targets are stiff and an uphill task, so in all probabilities, the officials in Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways are likely to push beneath the carpet, delays and failures of Shipbuilding with sweet success stories of “Ports, Shipping and Waterways” and if this does happen then India will not only miss the Shipbuilding bus of 21st century but a lot more from a national security and strategic perspective.


(The author is a Shipping and Marine consultant. Member Singapore Shipping Association and empaneled with IMO as a specialist consultant. Views personal.)

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