top of page

By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law...

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law within the framework of safeguarding India’s pluralistic and democratic character. The AIMPLB leaders said they are soliciting support of people, intellectuals, activists, social and religious organisations who value justice, democracy, peace and the Constitution, to strengthen constitutional supremacy, the rule of law, justice and equality, religious freedom, social harmony and national unity. Around 100 progressive Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals, activists, organisations and supporters have warned that what the AIMPLB presents as a defence of constitutional rights, religious freedom and Muslim identity "could deepen divisions, and may provide political ammunition to right-wing forces". The progressive have accused AIMPLB of selectively invoking Art. 25-30 of the Constitution related to Religious Freedom, while ignoring that these rights are explicitly subject to public order, morality, and health. Moreover, they conveniently bypass Articles 14 and 15, which guarantee equality before the law and prohibit sex or religion-based discrimination. “Following the 2024 Lok Sabha elections where civil society and opposition parties rallied under 'Save the Constitution', the AIMPLB's campaign inadvertently gave the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Sangh Parivar a platform to posture as defenders of constitutional norms. Ahead of crucial state assembly elections, this campaign reinforces false narratives and fuels propaganda that Indian Muslims reject the law of the land,” said the intellectuals. They pointed out how the so-called ‘God-given Shariat Law’ in India is nothing but man-made personal laws and ‘male interpreted patriarchal interpretations’, defended by the AIMPLB. In its September 2016 Supreme Court affidavit in the Triple Talaq case (Sayara Bano v/s. Union of India), the AIMPLB’s affidavit claimed divorce rights belong primarily to husbands because men allegedly possess ‘greater power of decision-making’ and ‘control emotions’. It even argued that without a quick separation option, a husband ‘may resort to illegal, criminal ways of murdering or burning her alive’ - a disturbing rationalization of domestic violence. Claiming these laws are divine, the AIMPLB admitted that “India is a patriarchal society, and therefore personal laws of all communities are aligned with the patriarchal notion...” The progressives countered that Muslim-majority nations globally including Pakistan, Bangladesh, Tunisia and Morocco have codified and reformed personal laws to protect women's rights. “Millions of Muslims live in secular democratic nations with uniform family codes without putting ‘Islam in danger’. The Muslim community’s current legal predicament in India is the direct result of the AIMPLB and conservative leaders failing to proactively reform and codify Muslim Personal Law,” said the progressives sharply. They said that genuine family law reform must guarantee Muslim women equal rights regarding minimum marriage age, abolition of polygamy, mutual divorce, equal inheritance, child custody, adoption, and a ban on female genital mutilation and halala. While secular political parties rarely support the rights of Muslim women, the BJP and the Hindu Right wing do so with an obvious motive: ‘communal polarization’, said the progressives. “The sangh parivar sheds crocodile tears for Muslim women while ignoring relentless hate speech (Love Jihad, Land Jihad…) and hate crimes like mob lynching, bulldozing homes, demolishing mosques or economic boycotts, with chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ to intimidate and strike fear. This accompanies state actions targeting Muslims: Waqf Amendment Act, draconian anti-conversion laws, and a weaponised SIR (Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls) to disenfranchise vast sections of the electorate,” they averred. The progressives have sought the active involvement of all enlightened forces, civil society organisations and secular political parties to ensure that the demand for a gender-just, religion-neutral Uniform Civil Code is rooted in equality and human rights, rather than weaponized for communal division. Among the signatories to the appeal are: Naseeruddin Shah, Amol Palekar, Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Anand Patwardhan, Sultan Shaheen, Teesta Setalvad, Ram Puniyani, Tushar Gandhi, Mallika Sarabhai, Ratna Pathak, Feroze Mithiborwala, Anita Cheria, Zakia Soman, Jyothi Yedulla, Noorjehan S. Niaz, Madhu Bhaduri, et al.

Indian Theatre: Curtain Call or Fading Act?

Sep 10, 2025
4 min read

While government grants and corporate sponsorships help keep it afloat, India’s professional theatre faces an existential challenge in balancing artistic freedom with economic survival.

The economics of passion in professional theatre hinges on a constant negotiation between artistic devotion and financial reality. For most practitioners, theatre is less an occupation and more a vocation — a commitment that persists despite meagre earnings, high production costs, and scant institutional support. Yet this devotion often comes at a personal cost, with artists sustaining their work through multiple jobs, unpaid contributions, and ongoing sacrifices.


Today, even with government grants, cultural initiatives and flagship festivals such as the Bharat Rang Mahotsav, the sustainability of professional theatre remains precarious. The enthusiasm of its community is undeniable, but enthusiasm alone cannot offset the pressures of an economy that rewards digital entertainment and commercial spectacle far more readily than experimental or independent theatre. The pressing question, then, is whether professional theatre in India will endure and evolve in the face of such pressures, or meet the same slow decline as Kolkata’s trams.


Modern Indian theatre found its early footing in colonial port cities such as Kolkata, Chennai (then Madras) and Mumbai (then Bombay). These urban centres, shaped by English education and a rising middle class, adopted the British model of ticketed performances. This early commercialisation gave urban theatre a market orientation but also sowed the seeds of competition from cinema and television, which would later offer similar entertainment at lower cost and wider reach. The struggle to professionalise theatre in India, therefore, is not recent but rooted in these historic economic shifts.


After independence, Indian theatre sought to define a distinctive identity. Directors and playwrights like Kavalam Narayana Panikkar, Habib Tanvir, Vijay Tendulkar and Girish Karnad — often associated with the ‘Theatre of Roots’ movement — looked to traditional performance forms for inspiration. Artistically, this marked a vital search for ‘Indianness.’ Economically, however, integration into mainstream professional practice remained uneven. As Karnad remarked in 1989, it was “extraordinary how little professional theatre is to be seen in most Indian cities.” Rajinder Paul, writing in 1991, observed a similar trend wherein many talented theatre practitioners migrated towards cinema and television, where financial rewards were more secure. Institutions such as the Sangeet NatakAkademi and the Ministry of Culture’s Performing Arts & Allied schemes have extended support, yet this has rarely translated into a reliable economic base.


English-language theatre adds another dimension to this landscape. Once viewed sceptically in the post-independence decades, it has seen growth in recent years, largely among affluent urban audiences. Its economic logic, supported by specific demographics, sponsorship opportunities, and easier access to funding, contrasts with that of regional-language theatre thereby underscoring the uneven terrain of professional practice.


Yet the most decisive factor shaping theatre’s economic struggles is the overwhelming presence of cinema, television and digital streaming. The decline of Parsi theatre with the advent of sound cinema illustrates how quickly popular audiences can shift when new media offer similar spectacle more conveniently and cheaply. The television boom of the 1990s, driven by liberalisation and private advertising, further fragmented the market for live performance. Today, streaming platforms such as Netflix, Amazon Prime and Zee5 command the attention of young audiences, a shift accelerated during the COVID-19 years when theatre itself was pushed into hybrid and digital formats.


Recorded performances — cineplays, live-streams and OTT adaptations — extend theatre’s reach, offering affordability, accessibility and new blends of stage and screen. But their impact is not the same as a live performance. In a theatre hall, the presence of the actor and the immediacy of audience response create a shared experience no recording can fully replicate. The challenge for contemporary theatre is to engage with digital media without losing what defines it — its liveness.


A resilient theatre industry has the potential to contribute significantly to India’s creative economy. Beyond cultural pursuit, theatre supports employment — from actors, directors and stage technicians to venue staff and allied sectors such as printing, advertising and event management. More importantly, it offers a platform for young performers to experiment and build careers. Yet this promise comes with challenges.


Government grants and subsidies remain vital, but risk compromising artistic independence, especially when funding priorities are uneven or politically influenced. Corporate sponsorships, though often generous, may come with subtle pressures by turning productions into brand platforms rather than autonomous works of art. Theatre must resist becoming a mere marketing exercise and retain its creative integrity.


At the same time, the lifeblood of Indian theatre continues to be its young amateurs. Their energy, idealism and willingness to experiment drive much of the movement today. However, when passion lacks adequate training or support, it leads to frustration and burnout, weakening rather than strengthening the ecosystem. What Indian theatre needs is structured mentorship, professional training and sustainable livelihood models that can harness this youthful energy productively.


With such support, Indian theatre can do more than just survive economic pressures; it can thrive as a cultural force. Beyond jobs and revenue, it fosters dialogue, preserves tradition and drives artistic innovation. In doing so, it positions India not merely as a participant but as a leader in global cultural conversations. In an age where cultural influence shapes geopolitics, nurturing theatre is not a sentimental indulgence but a calculated investment in India’s global standing.


(The author is a Natyashastra scholar, theatre director and producer whose work bridges traditional Indian performance theory with contemporary theatre economics. Views personal.)

1 Comment


very insightful

Like
bottom of page