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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 9:59:04 pm

Hidden Questions

For six years, the Disha Salian case has remained trapped in a fog of unanswered questions, disputed narratives and institutional inaction. It appears that the fog is now finally beginning to lift. The CBI’s recent FIR has brought into the investigation a startling array of names including Shiv Sena (UBT) leader and MLA Aaditya Thackeray, his father, Sena (UBT) chief and former Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray, Dino Morea, Sooraj Pancholi, Rhea Chakraborty, Sachin Vaze, Param Bir Singh, and...

Hidden Questions

For six years, the Disha Salian case has remained trapped in a fog of unanswered questions, disputed narratives and institutional inaction. It appears that the fog is now finally beginning to lift. The CBI’s recent FIR has brought into the investigation a startling array of names including Shiv Sena (UBT) leader and MLA Aaditya Thackeray, his father, Sena (UBT) chief and former Chief Minister Uddhav Thackeray, Dino Morea, Sooraj Pancholi, Rhea Chakraborty, Sachin Vaze, Param Bir Singh, and former home minister Anil Deshmukh. The allegations being investigated include conspiracy, destruction or suppression of evidence and an alleged attempt to establish a false narrative around Salian’s death. For Aaditya and the MVA, the instinctive political response will be to dub the CBI’s fresh probe as ‘vendetta’ and portray the investigation as an assault on the Thackeray family. But such a response would evade the much larger question of why this case was allowed to remain where it was for so long? At the very least, the filing of the FIR against the Thackerays’ and others lays bare the failure on part of the erstwhile MVA government headed by Uddhav Thackeray to properly investigate the case. This aspect cannot be wished away now by invoking political persecution as the Bombay High Court’s intervention has itself exposed the extraordinary manner in which the matter was handled. For years, Salian’s death remained an accidental-death case rather than being subjected to the kind of criminal investigation demanded by the allegations surrounding it. Her family has repeatedly sought a CBI probe only to be rebuffed by the previous Maharashtra government headed by Uddhav Thackeray. If the Thackeray-led MVA government had nothing to fear, why was a transparent investigation not pursued with greater urgency? If there was no attempt to protect anyone, why were questions about the circumstances of Salian’s death allowed to accumulate rather than being conclusively answered? And if there was no political sensitivity involved, why did the machinery of government appear so reluctant to let an independent agency examine the matter? The more aggressively the Opposition cries “vendetta,” the more obvious another question becomes: what exactly is it afraid the investigation might uncover? Aaditya Thackeray’s political inheritance cannot become an institutional exemption. Being Balasaheb Thackeray’s grandson may provide a formidable political surname; it cannot provide immunity from scrutiny. The CBI must be allowed to pursue every lead, examine every witness, reconstruct every missing link and establish the truth as to what happened to Disha Salian. If the allegations against anyone are false, the investigation should establish that too. But if wrongdoing has occurred, then those responsible must face the consequences. After six years, neither political power nor a famous surname can be allowed to stand between the investigation and the truth.

Indosphere Under Threat: Why and How

Apr 12
4 min read

Under China’s expanding shadow, the once-dominant Indosphere faces slow erosion born as much of external pressure as of India’s own long neglect.

The term Indosphere, post its coinage around eight decades ago, was broadly understood to include the whole of Southeast Asia, except the northern or one third of Vietnam. It, by definition as well as by factual development, excludes the later born (2002) and newly admitted (2026) ASEAN member state of Timor Leste. A lot can be said or commented upon two things here; the older conception - a categorical exclusion of northern Vietnam, especially in view of it now being a unified nation since 1975, as well as a new paradigm - similar exclusion of the territory which once formed a part of the Indonesian archipelago and thus could easily have passed as part of the Indosphere, but fell out to shape up as a separate, though tiny, state of Timor Leste, clearly under influence of Western colonial ambition and machinations. That, however, can be reserved for exposition sometime later, in view of the seriousness that the main focus of this article viz. existential threat to the base of ‘Indosphere’ deserves.


A Boon and a Curse

Is the threat to Indosphere emanating from the Sinosphere? Answer is in the negative as well as affirmative. Negative, because it is certainly not threatened in any way by the constituents of the Sinosphere – Mongolia, Japan, Koreas, and northern Vietnam. But affirmative in the sense of the ever-expanding clout of the mother country China, casting its shadow all over Southeast Asia from various angles. China’s physical proximity – land border with three of them (Myanmar, Laos & Vietnam), and maritime border with five of them (Vietnam, Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia & Indonesia) - is a boon as well as a curse for the concerned; boon in the form of trading opportunities, and curse in many other ways ranging from encroachments in the sea including their exclusive economic zones, to interference with river water-flows resulting in damage to the livelihoods of dependent population, not to speak of China’s overwhelming influence over ASEAN affairs as well as the domestic affairs of some of the member states.


The main contributor towards China’s overwhelming presence and influence in Southeast Asia is the ever-increasing number of Chinese settlers in the mainland subregion - especially in Myanmar, Laos and Cambodia. The inflow in Thailand is not so much now, but it was at a high level till the 19th century, spilling over in the 20th century, thereby constituting around 15% of the country’s population as on date, and resulting into numerous citizens of Chinese or mixed descent controlling business and occupying high political positions. The legal and illegal Chinese settlers in Myanmar are engaged in drug-trafficking across borders and illegal mining causing environmental hazards. Those in Laos have virtually taken over all business activities there. Those in Cambodia are infamously engaged in cyber-scams of global scales. The net effect is not only weakening of the local economies but also ever-tightening of the Chinese grip. In Malaysia, the ethnic Chinese once, till a few decades back, constituted one fourth of the total population, and control the economic affairs of the country as on date. In Indonesia, the ethnic Chinese are far less in numbers, but virtually rule over the country’s commerce. Singapore is anyway the ethnic Chinese majority country of Southeast Asia, having separated from the Malaysian Federation in the 1960s based essentially on racial considerations.


Contrast this with the Indian or Indic influence in that geography today. Since Southeast Asia had been heavily Indic-influenced, that too for at least one and a half millennium at a stretch, it earned the acknowledgement as ‘Indosphere’. However, there are clear signs that hint at slow and gradual erosion of that influence occurring over a period of time through a process of consistent dilution and diversions.


Sinic Influence

The dilution is caused naturally through absence of enough reinforcement on one hand, and simultaneous and forceful spread of another competing influence on the other hand. The competing influence is obviously China’s or Sinic. Although it is known that it was not Southeast Asia alone that partook in absorbing the Indic civilizational influence; China too was very much a part of that process, especially during the middle centuries of the first millennium. Rather, while the said influence spread gradually over the Southeast Asian territories, the Chinese court in a contrast, under various dynasties but especially under the Tang, voluntarily intensified that process at its end, to benefit maximum in a compressed time-frame, by importing volumes of Buddhist texts, and settling a number of Indian Buddhist scholars, tasking them with translations. It was only later, in the second millennium, that China after having absorbed and digested the Indic wisdom, took a different turn and gradually started viewing India or the Indic influence as a rival force and a potential challenge to is hegemonic aspirations in the vicinity.


Honestly, India, in its current shape of things, is no match for the Chinese clout over the Indosphere. Despite the ‘Look East’ policy posture adopted in the 1990s, reinforced with comparatively intensified and pointed thrust through its ‘Act East’ policy nudge since 2014, there is a great backlog of desirable actions that is staring India in its face. This backlog, as it relates to triggering Indic influence’s erosion through the pre-colonial as well as colonial period in India and Southeast Asia, is also attributable to Indian neglect or inaction through many post-independence decades. It is high time for high and well-balanced action to arrest further erosion of Indic influence, revitalize it through a variety of interventions, and thereby avoid potential shrinkage of the Indosphere.


(The writer is a Ph.D. researcher in international relations. Views personal.)  

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