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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 4:59:11 pm

Fadnavis reins in Sena’s Marathi push

AI generated image Mumbai: The ruling Mahayuti coalition in Maharashtra is witnessing a delicate political balancing act, with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis increasingly overriding key decisions of alliance partners, particularly the Shiv Sena, while simultaneously attempting to placate them on other fronts. The tension within the alliance came to the fore on Thursday when Fadnavis stepped in to dilute a controversial mandate enforced by Shiv Sena Transport Minister Pratap Sarnaik, which...

Fadnavis reins in Sena’s Marathi push

AI generated image Mumbai: The ruling Mahayuti coalition in Maharashtra is witnessing a delicate political balancing act, with Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis increasingly overriding key decisions of alliance partners, particularly the Shiv Sena, while simultaneously attempting to placate them on other fronts. The tension within the alliance came to the fore on Thursday when Fadnavis stepped in to dilute a controversial mandate enforced by Shiv Sena Transport Minister Pratap Sarnaik, which required auto-rickshaw and taxi drivers in Mumbai to possess basic Marathi language proficiency. The Transport Department’s enforcement drive, which threatened non-Marathi-speaking drivers with suspension or cancellation of their licences, sparked outrage among North Indian drivers who form a sizeable section of the public transport workforce in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR). Protests brought parts of Mumbai, including Kandivali and Malad, to a standstill. Recognising the potential electoral fallout, Fadnavis intervened, saying drivers need not be “experts” in Marathi. He also extended the grace period for drivers to acquire a working knowledge of the language to one year, effectively diluting Sarnaik’s hardline stance. Fadnavis announced the decision after a delegation of transport operators met him. The episode highlights the conflicting political compulsions of the Mahayuti partners. Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena is keen to pursue a pro-Marathi, “sons of the soil” agenda to consolidate its traditional voter base and counter the rival Shiv Sena (UBT) faction led by Uddhav Thackeray. The BJP, however, relies heavily on North Indian and migrant voters in the MMR, particularly as crucial civic and state elections approach. Any aggressive regional policy that alienates this constituency could have electoral consequences for the party. The Marathi language issue is not an isolated instance of Fadnavis stepping in to override decisions associated with the Shiv Sena. It fits into a broader pattern of the chief minister’s administration reviewing or reversing several initiatives of the previous government headed by Shinde. In April 2026, the BJP-led Environment Department, headed by Minister Pankaja Munde, scrapped 14 lake conservation projects, 11 of which had been cleared during Shinde’s tenure, and ordered recovery of more than Rs 73 crore. The Fadnavis government has also modified several initiatives introduced by the previous regime. In January 2025, it altered Shinde’s three-course school meal plan, placing the responsibility on local school management committees to raise funds for sweet dishes. In April 2025, the government scrapped the ‘One State, One Uniform’ policy for schools. A Rs 3,200-crore tender for mechanised housekeeping services at government hospitals, issued under the Shinde government, was also stayed. Yet, Fadnavis remains conscious of the need to preserve the fragile alliance. To manage growing resentment within the Sena, he has adopted what can be described as a ‘blow hot, blow cold’ approach — overriding decisions when they clash with the BJP’s broader political interests while offering political concessions on other fronts. One such move was the recent appointment of Shiv Sena leader Bharat Gogawale as Guardian Minister of the politically important Raigad district, ending a 19-month-long tussle over the post. At the same time, the Mahayuti government recently reduced the powers exercised by Guardian Ministers over District Planning Committee (DPC) funds, directing that 70 per cent of the funds be allocated directly to local MLAs. The move is aimed at reducing the concentration of financial powers with individual ministers. As the Mahayuti navigates these competing interests, Fadnavis has also instructed alliance partners to resolve disputes internally and avoid public sparring. However, the latest confrontation over the Marathi language requirement underscores the limits of that arrangement. While Fadnavis continues to use his authority to protect the BJP’s broader electoral interests, the Shiv Sena remains under pressure to assert its regional identity and distinguish itself from the Thackeray faction. With elections approaching, balancing these competing political priorities is likely to remain one of the biggest challenges for the Mahayuti government.

Is Witch-hunting a Gender-centric Crime?

In a nation that codes satellites and debates artificial intelligence, women are still burned alive for crimes invented by power, greed and fear.

India is universally described as the largest democracy in the world. If this be true, debatable in the current Indian polity, why is witch-hunting still prevalent in India? In a country currently dogged by the AI debate, the return of the second Indian from space back to earth, the omnipresence of a digital world, what can one say about the terribly inhuman crime of labelling women ‘witches’ and burning them alive beyond any and every law statute? Why? 


In West Bengal, the menace is becoming stronger in districts like Malda, Midnapore and Bankura where some tribal women are forced to live under police protection. In most cases, state intervention is necessitated by raids on their homes during which other family members are killed. Sociologists suggest that the old practice is being resorted to in a big way to grab land which has gained in value with development work in the countryside. Money plays an important role in the entire operation because none of the victims are more impoverished than the others in the village.


Democratic Paradox

Killing a woman on suspicion of witchcraft is illegal since 1999, including specific laws against witch-hunting in several states and general laws against murder and violence. Several states have specific legislation, such as Rajasthan, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh, Bihar, Odisha and Assam, while other states like Maharashtra and Karnataka have laws that broadly cover witch-hunting along with other superstitions. 


It would not be right to state that men and children are exempted from becoming victims of witch-killing. But figures are minimal - 98 per cent of women next to 2 percent of men and children sacrificed at the altar of witch-craft is certainly gender-specific. Women are the main targets and men and children may be merely collateral damage or selfish interests. 


Witch-killing was prevalent since the last years of the 18th century across the world. It was easy for village leaders, tantric and ojhas to label some chosen women as ‘witches’ as they showed signs of some evil power or black magic or responsible for the evils dogging the village. The locals, illiterate and believers in superstition, were easily swayed and supported the killing of the labelled woman. Among the punishments were physical torture, tonsuring of hair, rape, declaring them outcasts, throwing red chilli powder into their eyes and finally, murder. History tells us that many more women in India were sacrificed at the altar of witch-hunting than women killed for Sati. One woman, named Kunku, is said to have been hung from a tree head down, with her hands dipped in boiling oil. This happened in 1886. 


The story goes that in ancient times, when tribal men were annoyed by talkative, questioning and disobedient women (the adjectives strictly defined by the men themselves), they prayed to the Forest God to teach them how to control these women. When the women got wise to this, they tricked the Forest God to teach them some incantations that would empower them to 'eat' men. But the Forest God, realising that he had been tricked, taught men to hunt these 'witches' out. 


Dalit women are extremely poor, completely uneducated and believe in unscientific things like superstition and black magic the veracity of which remains unproved to this day. But there is another dimension to this. Widowed women who have inherited vast tracts of land when their husbands die, fall victim to greedy relatives who find it easy to dub them ‘witches,’ get them killed and appropriate their inheritance and no one turns a hair. In fact, records state that around 32% of women in India victim to witch-killing were women deprived of normal access to equal opportunities in education, health care and basic livelihoods making them easy victims of witch-hunters. 


Records show that around 65 percent of women killed on suspicion of being ‘witches’ and then killed came from Jharkhand, Odisha, Bihar and Chhattisgarh. Between 2000 and 2016, the NCRB report states that 2500 women labelled “witches” were killed and between 2016 and 2021, 663 women were killed on the same ground. The 2022 records state that in Jharkhand alone, the rate of witch-killing reached the staggering figure of 3 killings per day despite the law against it passed way back in 1999. Bihar is no exception. In 2023-2024, around 75000 women were living in the mortal fear of being killed on suspicion of practicing witchcraft.


Land Grabs

In their book ‘Women, Land Rights and Forests,’ Gobind Kelkar and Dev Nathan reveal a detailed study of changes sweeping across Adivasi communities in Eastern India with special reference to the adivasi communities of Jharkhand. Jharkhand spreads right across Bengal, Bihar and Orissa and includes some portions of Madhya Pradesh. The study traces the shift in the economy from hunting-gathering to agriculture which brought a corresponding change in the status of women from one of dominance and power to one of subordination and weakness. 


Originally, say Kelkar and Nathan, unmarried daughters, wives and widows enjoyed two kinds of land rights. One was a life-interest in the land which covered the right to manage land and its produce. The other was the right to share the produce of the land which included a maintenance right. 


In other words, this implied that the woman had the right to a share necessary for her own maintenance and upkeep. The unmarried daughter enjoyed the additional right to share produce greater than her maintenance needs. This included amount needed to buy ornaments, utensils or even to sell them and lend out the money if she so wished. This became too much for the men to bear after they discovered that land was also a source of accumulation of individual property when economic lifestyle underwent changes. But they spared the rights of the unmarried daughter and the wife whose husband was alive. They directed their attack at the rights of the widow when she would stand to inherit her husband's land upon his death. 


Threats and charges of witchcraft occur in a number of Indian states that have large tribal populations with traditional beliefs about witches. The media periodically publishes reports about women who, after being accused of being witches, have been beaten, had their heads shaved or had strings of shoes hung around their necks. Some have been killed. 


Witch-hunting is also a political weapon in areas where men with political ambitions arranged the murders of women, they had had liaisons with and also had these murders labelled 'witch-killing' in order to root out the possibility of a sex scandal in the face of a forthcoming election. Such killings included the killing of pregnant women and young widows because they were more vulnerable to such liaisons. Sometimes, they were even pressurized into such liaisons with political bigwigs. The labelling of women as witches therefore, according to these researchers is an essential part of the process of establishing authority of men in a culture where authority was originally shared between men and women. 


Local tribals do not need to be convinced about the labelling of some of their own women as ‘witches.’ They are illiterate and ignorant. They are also blinded by superstition and superstitious beliefs. They go by an ancient mythical tale.


If witch-killing is legally banned, then why am I writing this?


(The author is a noted film scholar who writes extensively on social issues. She is a double-winner for the National Award for Best Writing on Cinema. Views personal.)

 


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