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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Fadnavis writes off Rs 48,000 crore

Mumbai: In a clear indication that the Maharashtra government is leaving no stone unturned to keep the state’s agrarian base happy, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has unleashed yet another massive populist measure. Hot on the heels of relaxing the eligibility criteria to ensure a blanket farm loan waiver, the Chief Minister announced a sweeping Rs 48,000 crore waiver on the pending electricity bills of farmers across the state. Addressing a ‘Krutadnyata Sohala’ (gratitude ceremony)...

Fadnavis writes off Rs 48,000 crore

Mumbai: In a clear indication that the Maharashtra government is leaving no stone unturned to keep the state’s agrarian base happy, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has unleashed yet another massive populist measure. Hot on the heels of relaxing the eligibility criteria to ensure a blanket farm loan waiver, the Chief Minister announced a sweeping Rs 48,000 crore waiver on the pending electricity bills of farmers across the state. Addressing a ‘Krutadnyata Sohala’ (gratitude ceremony) organized by the BJP Kisan Morcha at Mumbai’s Yashwantrao Chavan Pratishthan on Wednesday, Fadnavis declared that farmers using agricultural pumps of up to 7.5 horsepower will see their historical electricity dues completely wiped out. The announcement was met with the traditional sounding of the Tutari and thunderous applause from hundreds of farmers who had gathered from every corner of the state. The Chief Minister framed the mega-sop as a necessary step to “wipe the farmers’ slate clean,” enabling them to write a new chapter of prosperity. Calculated Pitch The timing and scale of the announcement underscore a government that is boldly embracing populist economics to solidify its political footprint in rural Maharashtra. While Fadnavis maintained that these decisions were taken purely in the interest of the farmers—pointing out that the original loan waiver was announced when no elections were in sight—the political undertones were unmistakable. Taking a sharp dig at the opposition, the Chief Minister accused rival parties of running “political shops” in the name of farmer agitations without understanding the government’s genuine intent. Asserting his grassroots connection, Fadnavis proudly claimed, “I do not make decisions sitting in my house. I am a farmer myself, a man of the soil.” He openly defended the government’s recent move to strip away the stringent conditions attached to the blanket farm loan waiver, signaling that his administration will not hesitate to clear bureaucratic hurdles if it means putting money directly into the hands of the rural voter. Balancing Sops Even as he rained freebies, the Chief Minister attempted to balance the populist optics with a dose of economic pragmatism. He acknowledged that handing out repeated loan waivers is a symptom of deep-rooted agrarian distress, not a permanent cure. Pointing to the Rs 95,000 crore in aid currently being pumped into the agricultural sector by the state and central governments, Fadnavis outlined his administration’s shift toward an investment-driven agricultural model. He championed the success of schemes like ‘Jalyukt Shivar’ and ‘Magel Tyala Shettale’ (farm ponds on demand), claiming these initiatives have already empowered farmers to harvest multiple crops a year. Addressing the core issue of farming costs, he noted that the government already subsidises power to the tune of Rs 25,000 crore annually. By coupling this with a push for solar pumps and solar agricultural feeders, he promised that 100 percent of the state’s farmers would receive uninterrupted daytime electricity by the end of the year. Infra Dream Looking beyond immediate financial relief, the Chief Minister laid out a grandiose vision to permanently drought-proof Maharashtra’s most vulnerable regions. A staggering Rs 6 lakh crore infrastructure pipeline is being planned to ensure the next generation never witnesses a drought. Fadnavis detailed ambitious river-linking projects, including the Wainganga-Nalganga link, to divert excess floodwaters to parched regions. The state plans to construct 24 new dams and raise the height of 16 existing ones to ensure not a single district in Vidarbha faces water scarcity. Furthermore, massive engineering feats are on the drawing board to divert 200 TMC of floodwater from Western Maharashtra to Marathwada, and lift 275 TMC of wasted water from the Ulhas basin to quench the thirst of North Maharashtra and Marathwada. By marrying immediate, massive debt relief with long-term infrastructure promises, the Fadnavis administration is aggressively cementing its pro-farmer narrative. As the Yashwantrao Chavan auditorium echoed with whistles and cheers, it became highly evident that the government’s strategy of pairing mega populist waivers with big-ticket rural dreams is striking a powerful chord with the state’s agrarian voters.

Java, Saviour of Indic Indonesia

From Majapahit to Pancasila, Java has repeatedly defended Indonesia’s plural ethos

The last article discussed the conditions, apparently threatening the survival of the Indic thread of Indonesia’s culture, responding to many triggers including a penchant for Arabization of the hitherto localized ‘Indonesian Islam’. Given the size of this wide-spread archipelago called Indonesia, along with the more or less equally well-spread Islamist outlook within the society as well as the polity, the wish for protecting Indonesia’s Indic DNA and thereby guarding its intrinsic plurality and diversity appears to have been pitted against heavy odds.


Although that may be the general situation, a major ray of hope lies indisputably in what is called ‘Javanism’ or the Javanese culture. Java counts as one of the five important islands of Indonesia, standing fifth among them in terms of land size but first in terms of population size. Most importantly, it also stands first in terms of its superior civilizational history. It has the most fertile soil, producing various crops abundantly, which explains the highest population within the archipelago. It carries the reputation of historically hosting the only Indonesian language out of its few hundreds, that produced high literature comparable with classic Sanskrit literature. It also enjoys the reputation of hosting a grand manifestation of arts and architecture of unmatched scale and quality.


Indigenous Empire

Topping it all, it has hosted the strongest ever indigenous empire, called Majapahit, for almost two centuries, that ruled over not only the entire archipelago but also today’s Singapore, parts of Peninsular Malaysia as well as Philippines, and in effect, provided a kind of balance of power in the region vis-à-vis the manoeuvres of the imperial Chinese court. It has also produced a class of aristocrats who formed the backbone of a stable bureaucracy that functioned even during the Dutch colonial rule and who took over the reins post-independence. Thus, the island of Java has indisputably been the cultural capital of the Indonesian archipelago for the last two millennia, which incidentally hosted the political capital of colonial Indonesia from 1619 to 1949, and continues to do so for free Indonesia today. All these facts should leave no doubt in the minds of the readers about the level of importance Java holds within Indonesia.


These all-round prosperous surroundings proved naturally conducive for spawning confident, strong-willed and free-spirited local population who received free exposure to multiple choices in life, who freely chose highly diverse ways of living amongst themselves, which cultural trait came to be identified eventually as ‘Javanism’ among the local populace as well as foreigners.


This Javanism is very core to the identity of being Javanese, which is valued highly by themselves. This free Javanese spirit is the gift of the long-experienced, experimented and embedded history of enmeshed Hindu-Buddhist-localist culture. Aggressive political Islam rose in Java in the mid-15th century, backed by the external power of Sultanate of Malacca, whose sole target was to anyhow pull down the once mighty Hindu-Buddhist Majapahit, which it achieved eventually. But, even after that ‘success of the power of Islam’ and the logically following destruction of the Hindu-Buddhist symbols of the bygone power, the ‘Javanism’ among the masses had managed to remain more or less intact over next few centuries. Evidence of that was found in the ways of the leader of the famous Java War of Independence fought in the 19th century, Prince Dipa-negara; although this Muslim prince with a Hindu name polarized the masses and fought the Dutch avowedly to ‘protect the glory of Islam’, his practice of cave-meditation for seeking ‘power from the heavens’ was unmistakably Hindu, which was unobjectionable then.


Free Spirit

This embedded free spirit and plurality of approach showed even in the mid-20th century when Indonesia became a free country; its leaders, who were majority Javanese, rejected the mounting pressure for declaring Indonesia as an Islamic state, and the top leader, the Javanese and charismatic President Sukarno, brought in the philosophy of ‘Pancasila’ (Sanskrit Pancha-Shila, meaning ‘five principles’) to be adopted by the newly free nation instead. This ‘Javanese intervention’ has decidedly kept Indonesia away from falling to growing Islamist and pan-Islamist ‘struggle’ so far. Even the later presidents of Indonesia post Sukarno have all been Javanese luckily, except one, B.J. Habibie, that too for a short intervening period of around one year. The difference showed – while all the Javanese presidents, all Muslim by religion, largely refused to buckle under the Islamist pressure (except the last ten years out of the total thirty-two of the second President Suharto), Habibie, the close friend and successor of Suharto, is said to have taken a few policy steps which can be viewed as critically important for the subsequent growth of Islamism in Indonesia.


This rising Islamism is hitting right at the heart of the innate pluralism of Indonesia, which is largely a Javanese gift. It has been manifesting in various ways – pressure on women for wearing ‘hijab’; relentless attacks on the state philosophy of ‘Pancasila’; reducing scope for practice of other religions, including restrictions on construction of places of worship; government-enabled migration of Muslim population in non-Muslim majority areas etc. The starkest example was noticed in 2017, when the socio-political campaign against one Basuki Purnama under the allegations of blasphemy of Islam was executed successfully, through legal and extra-legal means. It permanently ousted a popular politician and potential presidential candidate Purnama, Chinese by ethnicity and Christian by faith, thereby wiping out the possibility of non-Muslim competition for the top post for the upcoming general elections in 2029. Encouraging ‘Javanism’ to counter Islamism appears to be the only solution.


(The writer is a Ph.D. researcher in international relations. Views personal.)      


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