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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Judicial Restraint

Updated: Mar 6, 2025

In a country where hurt sentiments have often dictated the course of legal proceedings, the Supreme Court’s recent ruling, discharging a man accused of hurting religious sentiments with remarks deemed in “poor taste,” offers a refreshing dose of judicial restraint. By this, the Court has sent a clear signal that not every offensive statement warrants a criminal trial. For far too long, past Congress regimes have bent backwards in appeasing every sentiment of the minorities, weaponizing such sensitivities for political mileage. This ruling helps in restoring a semblance of balance in how the state treats questions of free speech and public order.


The case in question revolved around Hari Nandan Singh, who had sought information under the Right to Information (RTI) Act from the Bokaro district administration in Jharkhand. Dissatisfied with the response, he filed an appeal. During a follow-up visit by an Urdu translator and acting clerk assigned to hand over documents, Singh allegedly referred to the official as “miyan-tiyan” and “Pakistani” - terms with communal undertones but hardly incendiary in a legal sense. The official took offence, prompting an FIR and a subsequent police chargesheet invoking multiple sections of the Indian Penal Code, including those related to religious hurt.


The lower courts, from the Magistrate to the High Court, refused to quash the case. But the Supreme Court took a more measured approach. While acknowledging the distasteful nature of the remarks, it rightly concluded that they did not amount to a criminal offence under Section 298 of the IPC, which penalizes words or gestures made with the deliberate intent to wound religious feelings. The Court also struck down charges under Section 504 (intentional insult to provoke a breach of peace) and Section 353 (assault on a public servant), finding no credible evidence of force or provocation This ruling is a victory for common sense. In a pluralistic democracy like India, where political and religious identities are deeply intertwined, a degree of verbal intemperance is unavoidable. If every offensive remark were to be criminalized, the courts would be inundated with cases of perceived slights.


The SC’s intervention prevented an unnecessary escalation of a relatively trivial matter. It also upholds the fundamental principle that criminal law should be invoked only when genuine harm is inflicted, not as a tool for enforcing an imagined moral order.


Critics may argue that such remarks, if left unchecked, encourage the normalization of communal rhetoric. There is some merit to that concern, but the remedy lies in societal censure rather than legal punishment. Political discourse and public shaming are far more effective deterrents against bigotry than dragging individuals through the criminal justice system. The excessive reliance on legal provisions to police speech only fosters an illiberal culture where the state becomes the final arbiter of what can or cannot be said.


The SC’s judgment, therefore, is not just about one man’s acquittal but about reaffirming a broader legal principle that resists the growing impulse to criminalize speech on the flimsiest of grounds. By not blowing things out of proportion, the Court has upheld both the letter and the spirit of free expression.

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