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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Ladki Bahin, ‘batenge toh katenge’ raise campaign pitch

Ladki Bahin

Mumbai: The Assembly polls campaign, which started on issues like welfare initiatives and development, has reached its crescendo with phrases such as ‘vote jihad’, ‘dharma yuddha’, ‘Constitution under threat’ dominating the discourse.


The campaign, set to conclude on Monday, also saw NCP (SP) head Sharad Pawar and Shiv Sena (UBT) chief Uddhav Thackeray make an emotional pitch to voters, citing the “betrayal” by Ajit Pawar and Eknath Shinde, respectively.


The Mahayuti government, comprising the Shiv Sena led by CM Shinde, BJP and Ajit Pawar’s NCP, has been highlighting its Ladki Bahin scheme for women in the run-up to the November 20 state polls.


The previous Uddhav Thackeray-headed MVA government lasted for two-and-a-half years, before being pulled down by large-scale desertions in the Shiv Sena by Shinde and other leaders in June 2022. Last year, Ajit Pawar also walked out with several NCP legislators and became the deputy CM in the Mahayuti government.


The factions led by Shinde and Ajit Pawar have been recognised by the Election Commission as the ‘real’ Shiv Sena and NCP, respectively.

The “betrayal” by Shinde and Ajit Pawar dominated the poll campaign of the NCP(SP) and Shiv Sena (UBT), with Thackeray urging voters to defeat “gaddars” at the hustings.


Sharad Pawar (84) has also been on a whirlwind tour of the state and addressing rallies in the strongholds of his one-time confidants - Chhagan Bhujbal and Dilip Walse-Patil.


The senior Pawar is likely to address a rally on Monday in his home town Baramati, where Ajit Pawar is taking on his nephew and debutant politician Yugendra Pawar of the NCP (SP).


“The BJP admitting Ajit Pawar in the government is a betrayal of the core values the party stands for. It was the BJP that had called Ajit Pawar corrupt and launched a campaign against him,” claimed Vinod Salunkhe, a die-hard BJP supporter from Dadar in Mumbai.


However, he said he is resigned to supporting the BJP as there was “no other alternative”.


“I have just two options -- either sit at home or support the BJP,” Salunkhe, a senior executive in a corporate firm, said.


After the drubbing in the Lok Sabha elections, the Shinde-led Mahayuti government rolled out a slew of welfare measures, including the Mukhyamantri Ladki Bahin Yojana, that hands out Rs 1,500 as monthly doles to women.


“Over 2.3 crore women have benefited from the scheme with many receiving up to Rs 7,500,” a government official said.


The scheme was launched in July and Shinde said the government had paid the installment for November in advance, anticipating the model code of conduct following the announcement of elections.


Despite welfare measures and the development pitch, phrases such as ‘batenge toh katenge’ (divided we fall), ‘ek hai toh safe hai’ (united we are safe), ‘vote jihad’ and ‘dharma yuddha’ dominated the campaign gradually, drawing concern even by BJP leaders such as Pankaja Munde and Ashok Chavan and key ally Ajit Pawar.


Fadnavis contended the leaders have not understood the “core message” of unity sought to be conveyed through the slogan and claimed foreign invaders ruled the country whenever it was divided over caste lines.

“Prime Minister Narendra Modi has succinctly said it in the slogan ‘ek hai toh safe hai’,” Fadnavis recently said, adding the phrases signalled a pitch for unity.


Maratha quota activist Manoj Jarange Patil, who decided against entering the electoral fray, has also been touring parts of the state urging voters to defeat those opposed to reservation for the community.


In the din of the election campaign, issues such as creating employment, attracting investments, migration by farmers, rising costs of healthcare and education appear to have relegated to the background.


In rural parts of Maharashtra, issues like farm distress, slump in the prices of soybean and cotton and non-availability of farm labour are dominant, but virtually absent from the political discourse.


“The issue of onion export ban dealt a body blow to the BJP in the Lok Sabha elections; in the assembly elections, soybean and cotton could be the issues nagging the ruling party,” Dipak Jagtap, an RTI activist from Manmad, said.


The state also saw the rival alliances roll out senior leaders from across country in the campaign.

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