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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after...

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after two-and-a-half years has hardened into a public confrontation between a chief minister determined to finish five years and a deputy increasingly unwilling to wait. The recent breakfast meeting between the two men at Siddaramaiah’s residence was presented as a truce where the ‘high command’ was invoked as the final arbiter. “There are no differences between us,” Siddaramaiah insisted, twice for emphasis. Few were convinced and soon, Shivakumar was again hinting darkly at change. For weeks, Shivakumar’s loyalists have been holding meetings, mobilising legislators and making pilgrimages to Delhi to get the Congress high command to honour its promise. They insist that the Congress leadership agreed to a rotational chief ministership in 2023 and that November 2025 was always meant to mark Shivakumar’s ascent. The high command, for its part, has perfected the art of strategic vagueness by neither confirming nor denying the pact. This suggests that the Congress does not merely hesitate to act against Siddaramaiah, but increasingly lacks the capacity to do so. From the outset of his second innings, Siddaramaiah has given no signal of easing aside. As he approaches January 2026, poised to overtake D. Devaraj Urs as Karnataka’s longest-serving chief minister, the symbolism is unmistakable. The mantle of social justice politics that Urs once embodied now firmly sits on Siddaramaiah’s shoulders. And it is this social coalition that shields him. His fortress is AHINDA - minorities, backward classes and Dalits. Leaked figures from the unreleased caste census suggest that these groups together approach or exceed two-thirds of the state’s population. Lingayats and Vokkaligas, once electorally dominant, are rendered numerical minorities in this arithmetic. Siddaramaiah governs not merely as a Congress leader, but as the putative custodian of Karnataka’s demographic majority. That claim is reinforced through policy. Minority scholarships have been revived, contractor quotas restored, residential schools expanded. More than Rs. 42,000 crore has been earmarked for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Kurubas, his own community, have been pitched for Scheduled Tribe status, with careful assurances that their elevation will not disadvantage others. DK Shivakumar brings organisational muscle, financial clout and control over the Vokkaliga heartland. In electoral campaigns, these are formidable assets. But in a confrontation with a leader who embodies a 60–70 percent social coalition, they are blunt instruments. The Congress high command understands this equation, even if it publicly pretends otherwise. It also remembers, uneasily, what Siddaramaiah did the last time his authority was constrained. In 2020, when the Congress–JD(S) coalition collapsed after 16 MLAs defected to Mumbai,13 of them hailed from Siddaramaiah’s camp. At the time, he held the post of coordination committee chairman. Instead, he emerged as the principal beneficiary of collapse, returning as Leader of the Opposition with a tighter grip on the party. If the Congress high command could not punish him then, it is doubtful it can coerce him now. Shivakumar’s predicament is thus more tragic than tactical. He is not battling a rival alone, but an entire political structure built to outlast him. The promised coronation looks increasingly like a mirage drifting just ahead of a man condemned to keep walking. For the Congress, the cost of this paralysis is already visible. A government elected on guarantees and governance is consumed by succession. The party’s authority is dissolving while its factions harden. The Congress returned to power in Karnataka after years in the wilderness, only to re-enact the same leadership dysfunction that has crippled it elsewhere. Regardless of whether Siddaramaiah survives this storm, it is becoming increasingly clear that the Congress cannot survive the slow corrosion of its command in one of the few states it holds today.

Malayalam Cinema Caught in the Crosshairs

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Malayalam Cinema Caught in the Crosshairs

Malayalam cinema has long served as a vibrant mirror to Kerala’s society, deeply intertwined with the daily lives of Malayalis. The film industry’s actors are cherished figures across the globe, akin to family members. Thus, when the Hema Committee report shook the industry, the repercussions extended far beyond cinema enthusiasts, affecting the entire Kerala community.

The controversy traces back to 2017, when a leading actress was assaulted by a group of assailants, implicating a prominent actor. This incident spurred the formation of the Women in Cinema Collective (WCC), which petitioned the Kerala government to address systemic issues facing women in the industry. In response, then-Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan established a committee led by retired Justice Hema, with veteran actress Sarada and retired IAS officer K. B. Valsala Kumari. The committee was tasked with investigating these concerns.

The Hema Committee submitted its report on December 31, 2019, but it remained unpublished, with no concrete action taken by the government throughout Vijayan’s tenure until July 2024. Following a State Information Commission order on July 6, the Kerala government was directed to release the report, redacting sensitive details. By August 19, 2024, only 233 pages of the report were made public, with several key sections withheld.

The release of the report has led to a flurry of new allegations, including claims against prominent actors such as Jayasurya, Mukesh (a CPIM MLA), Idavela Babu, and Baburaj.

Jayasurya, a self-made star of Malayalam cinema, faces accusations from two complainants alleging that he attempted to hold and kiss them without consent. Allegations against Jayasurya surfaced just as he was tasting success, winning the Kerala State Film Award for Best Actor and had a major project lined up which purports to be one of South India’s most expensive films to date.

These accusations have overshadowed serious issues like the role of the drug mafia in the Malayalam film industry, underplayed by the Hema Committee. The intense focus on Jayasurya, who is independent and unaffiliated with influential lobbies, has fuelled speculation about ulterior motives.

Unlike others, Jayasurya’s independence from influential lobbies and his spiritual beliefs may have made him a target. Media scrutiny and a coordinated smear campaign, including branding him as a ‘toilet star’ suggest an orchestrated effort to tarnish his reputation. This disproportionate focus on him raises questions about possible ulterior motives or media sensationalism.

A long-standing rape allegation against veteran actor Siddique has resurfaced, while new accusations against filmmaker Ranjith—alleging homosexual assault and the dissemination of compromising photos—have emerged. In response, the government has formed a seven-member special investigation team, and the leadership of the Malayalam film actors association (A.M.M.A.), led by Mohanlal, has resigned amid growing scrutiny.

The women’s wing of Jamaat-e-Islami quickly called for a thorough investigation and urged young male stars to take a stand, suggesting an orchestrated effort behind the scenes. The focus on Jayasurya, a celebrated actor with no ties to influential lobbies, has raised questions. The media’s disproportionate attention to his case, overshadowing other serious issues such as the drug mafia’s influence, hints at a potential ulterior motive. Jayasurya’s independence and spiritual beliefs may have made him a target in a broader scheme to discredit him.

This crisis appears to be part of a larger agenda to control Malayalam cinema, with actor Mohanlal—known for his nationalist leanings—emerging as a significant obstacle. The ongoing smear campaign against Mohanlal, alongside new allegations against various actors including Jayasurya, appears part of a broader strategy to undermine his influence and dismantle his support network.

This turmoil seems to echo tactics used in the Jasmine Revolution and other uprisings, combining issues like sexual assault, gender discrimination, and corruption to create widespread unrest. Recent allegations against ADGP Ajithkumar, a close ally of Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan, further suggest an orchestrated effort to destabilize state institutions and public trust.

This unfolding crisis should be seen not as isolated incidents but as a deliberate effort to provoke societal discord and shift power dynamics within the industry and beyond.

The turmoil within the Malayalam film industry may be a precursor to a larger upheaval reminiscent of the Jasmine Revolution and other recent uprisings. Allegations against high-profile figures and the timing of these accusations suggest a coordinated attempt to undermine public trust in Kerala’s institutions and government.

This scenario calls for heightened vigilance and a serious response to prevent the destabilization seen in other regions.

Kerala, like the rest of India, must guard against these destabilizing tactics. The central government must address the drug mafia’s influence in the Malayalam film industry and halt radical Islamization to ensure a safe, secular, and dignified work environment for all professionals.

(The writer is a journalist and script writer, based in Kochi, Kerala. Views personal)

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