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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

MVA protests for third day:

Mumbai: The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) allies continued their agitation for the third day in different parts of Maharashtra with an aggressive state Congress hitting the streets today to protest the detention of Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, his sister Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra and other Congress leaders yesterday, here on Wednesday. State and city Youth Congress again carried out vociferous protests near Mantralaya raising slogans, carrying banners and placards slamming the...

MVA protests for third day:

Mumbai: The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) allies continued their agitation for the third day in different parts of Maharashtra with an aggressive state Congress hitting the streets today to protest the detention of Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi, his sister Priyanka Gandhi-Vadra and other Congress leaders yesterday, here on Wednesday. State and city Youth Congress again carried out vociferous protests near Mantralaya raising slogans, carrying banners and placards slamming the state and central Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and when some attempted to enter inside, they were prevented by a strong posse of Mumbai Police deployed there since Monday. As tensions appeared to escalate, the police clamped down by detaining top state and city Youth Congress leaders including President Harshwardhan Sapkal, Vijay Wadettiwar, Bhai Jagtap, Hussain Dalwai, and many others. Thousands of students carried out a fresh demonstration at Dadar west Shivaji Park to vent their ire at the police action on Cockroach Janta Party (CJP)’s agitation in New Delhi on Monday. Several MVA leaders and Maharashtra Navnirman Sena chief Raj Thackeray visited or expressed solidarity with the protesting youth, comprising many women. Opposition’s Voice The Congress leaders alleged that Rahul Gandhi was targeted by the BJP-led government to muzzle democratic dissent, suppress the Opposition voices inside and outside Parliament and trampling upon the peoples' Constitutional Rights to protest peacefully. Defying pouring rains in the city on Wednesday, Congress workers along with activists of MVA allies, staged a noisy demonstration in Chembur and another group attempted to storm the BJP office in south Mumbai, condemning the assault on students in New Delhi and the detention of the Gandhi siblings. Senior Congress leader Hussain Dalwai flayed the government for “misusing the police” to gag democratic rights and the protests were intended to defend the Constitution and democracy against the BJP’s policy of intolerance of dissent in any form. “This is gross injustice. We are not allowed to protest against the government failures as they are misusing the police. The PM is scared of taking the resignation of Dharmendra Pradhan as he could be the next. We want to highlight to the BJP to govern the country as per the Constitution,” Dalwai declared, interacting with the media at Nariman Point. As the BJP also threatened to launch counter-protests, the police cordoned off and deployed a precautionary security ring around Tilak Bhavan, the state Congress headquarters, as leaders from both sides exchanged political darts and looked aggressive enough for a confrontation. MVA ‘bandh’, ‘Tricolour’ march today The state is set for another two days of political turmoil as the MVA has announced a Maharashtra shutdown (‘bandh’) on Thursday followed by a non-partisan ‘Tricolour Peace March’ on Friday. MVA allies, Vanchit Bahujan Aghadi (VBA) President Prakash Ambedkar and Shiv Sena (UBT) leader Aaditya Thackeray, besides other leaders of the alliance, informed of the state and city level actions today. Ambedkar appealed to the masses and also the BJP youth to participate wholeheartedly in the bandh tomorrow and claimed that students’ bodies, parent-teachers associations, colleges, universities, other institutes of higher education, private coaching institutions, and other governmental departments could support the shutdown, as it has now become a national issue. Aaditya sought the peoples’ participation in the ‘Tricolour Peace March’ on the theme of “One Nation, One Emotion” planned on July 24 afternoon to Shivaji Park, in support of environmentalist Sonam Wangchuk, the Cockroach Janta Party, plus the youth and students protesting in New Delhi. Terming it as a national citizens’ movement rather than a political party, he called upon the people not to carry any party flags but unite under the National Tricolour to assert democratic rights and express resentment against the government’s high-handed policies. Meanwhile, Mumbai Police have already imposed prohibitory orders under Section 144 across the city from July 23-to- August 6, apprehending the possibility of law-and-order disturbances.

Manipur’s Endless Fire

Ethnic violence in India’s troubled frontier is not just a law-and-order problem but the culmination of history and political failure.

For more than three years, Manipur has remained trapped in a cycle of violence that has scarred communities, displaced tens of thousands and exposed the limits of the Indian state’s ability to manage ethnic conflict. The turmoil is the product of historical grievances and competing identities that have gradually transformed social tensions into open conflict.


The temptation in New Delhi has often been to view Manipur through the lens of security. Yet the state’s troubles cannot be understood merely by counting insurgent attacks or casualties. The roots of the crisis lie much deeper, stretching back to the colonial period and the peculiar political geography that emerged from it.


Colonial Scars

Like many conflicts in South Asia, Manipur’s present owes much to its past. British colonial administrators introduced new systems of governance, taxation and land management that disrupted existing patterns of authority. Communities that had previously interacted through fluid arrangements found themselves increasingly classified into rigid ethnic categories. Administrative boundaries hardened identities as competition over land and resources intensified.


The colonial state’s attempts to manage diversity often had unintended consequences. Among them was the encouragement of certain communities as buffers between others, creating divisions that would outlive the Raj itself. In Manipur, relations between the valley-dwelling Meiteis and various hill communities, including the Kukis and Nagas, became increasingly shaped by political calculations rather than shared interests.


Independent India inherited these tensions. Over time, they were compounded by insurgency, uneven development and a persistent sense of alienation from the national mainstream. Manipur witnessed decades of armed movements, military operations and political instability. While periods of calm emerged, the underlying questions of identity, land ownership and political representation remained unresolved.


Dormant Tensions

Recent violence has brought these dormant tensions violently to the surface. At the centre of the dispute lies the Meitei demand for Scheduled Tribe status. For many Meiteis, who constitute a majority in the state’s valley region, such recognition is viewed as necessary to secure access to educational opportunities, employment reservations and constitutional protections. For the Kuki and Naga communities, however, the demand raises existential concerns. They fear that extending tribal protections to the numerically and politically dominant Meiteis would allow them greater access to lands and benefits currently reserved for hill tribes.


The consequences have been devastating. Communities that once coexisted uneasily have retreated into segregated enclaves. Vast numbers of people remain displaced, living in relief camps with uncertain prospects of returning home. Trust, once broken, is far harder to rebuild than roads or buildings.


The economic costs have been equally severe. Trade routes connecting the Meitei-dominated valley and Kuki-majority hill districts have repeatedly been disrupted. Essential commodities have become scarce. Prices have surged. Small businesses, already operating on thin margins, have suffered immense losses. Agriculture, the backbone of many rural livelihoods, has been crippled as farmers are unable to safely access their lands.


Tourism, a sector that once offered Manipur an opportunity to showcase its cultural richness and natural beauty, has all but collapsed. Investors are reluctant to commit resources to a region where uncertainty remains the only constant. Development projects have stalled.


The most alarming consequence has been the collapse of public confidence in security institutions. The looting of state armouries during the conflict placed sophisticated weapons in civilian hands, dramatically increasing the lethality of local clashes. Areas separated by heavily guarded buffer zones increasingly resemble hostile territories rather than parts of the same state.


The imposition of President’s Rule in 2025 was intended to restore order. Yet many residents interpreted it as evidence of political failure rather than political resolve. While direct federal intervention may have prevented further deterioration, it did little to address the underlying causes of conflict.


The state’s instability has implications for India’s broader strategic ambitions in the north-east. New Delhi's “Act East” policy depends on connectivity, infrastructure and cross-border trade linking India to South-East Asia. Persistent violence threatens these ambitions. Meanwhile, Manipur’s porous border with Myanmar continues to raise concerns about illicit trafficking, the movement of armed groups and transnational criminal networks.


What, then, is required? The first necessity is political honesty. Lasting peace cannot emerge from temporary ceasefires or administrative decrees. Political leaders must acknowledge that no community can secure its future through the permanent exclusion of another. Dialogue remains indispensable, however frustrating and imperfect it may appear.


Rebuilding trust requires sustained engagement beyond official negotiations. Local organisations are often better placed than governments to facilitate reconciliation and counter inflammatory narratives. They must also act as watchdogs, documenting abuses and demanding accountability regardless of the perpetrators’ identity.


Equally important is the restoration of the rule of law. Violence cannot be allowed to become a legitimate political instrument. Those responsible for killings, arson and intimidation must face impartial justice. Selective enforcement merely entrenches resentment.


Humanitarian rehabilitation is another urgent priority. Displaced families need more than temporary shelters. They require secure resettlement, access to livelihoods, healthcare, education and the confidence that returning home will not place them in renewed danger. Administrative sensitivity and competence are as important as financial assistance.


Finally, the digital battlefield cannot be ignored. Social media has repeatedly amplified rumours, misinformation and communal hatred. Stronger mechanisms to counter online incitement while preserving legitimate freedoms are essential in preventing future escalations.


The tragedy of Manipur is that its people have become prisoners of competing historical narratives. Yet history need not be destiny. The philosopher Karl Jaspers observed that conflicts can lead either to destruction or to deeper forms of unity. Manipur stands at precisely such a crossroads.


(The writer is a retired naval aviation officer and a defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)

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