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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated,...

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated, highlighting the dramatic turnaround. He revealed that from approximately 100 Maoist cadres on record in January 2024, the number has plummeted to barely 10 individuals whose movements are now confined to a very small pocket of the Bhamragad sub-division in South Gadchiroli, near the Chhattisgarh border. “North Gadchiroli is now free of Maoism. The Maoists have to surrender and join the mainstream or face police action... there is no other option.” The SP attributes this success to a meticulously executed multi-pronged strategy encompassing intensified anti-Maoist operations, a robust Civic Action Programme, and the effective utilisation of Maharashtra’s attractive surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. The Gadchiroli Police, especially the elite C-60 commandos, have achieved significant operational milestones. In the last three years alone, they have neutralised 43 hardcore Maoists and achieved a 100 per cent success rate in operations without police casualties for nearly five years. SP Neelotpal highlighted that the security forces have aggressively moved to close the “security vacuum,” which was once an estimated 3,000 square kilometres of unpoliced territory used by Maoists for training and transit. The establishment of eight new police camps/Forward Operating Bases (FoBs) since January 2023, including in the remote Abujhmad foothills, has been crucial in securing these areas permanently. Winning Hearts, Minds The Civic Action Programme has been deemed a “game changer” by the SP. Through schemes like ‘Police Dadalora Khidaki’ and ‘Project Udaan’, the police have transformed remote outposts into service delivery centres, providing essential government services and employment opportunities. This sustained outreach has successfully countered Maoist propaganda and, most critically, resulted in zero Maoist recruitment from Gadchiroli for the last few years. Surrender Wave The state’s progressive rehabilitation policy has seen a massive influx of surrenders. “One sentiment is common among all the surrendered cadres: that the movement has ended, it has lost public support, and without public support, no movement can sustain,” the SP noted. The surrender of key figures, notably that of Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias ‘Bhupathi,’ a CPI (Maoist) Politburo member, and his wife Sangeeta, was a “landmark development” that triggered a surrender wave. Since June 2024, over 126 Maoists have surrendered. The rehabilitation program offers land, housing under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, and employment. Surrendered cadres are receiving skill training and are successfully transitioning into normal life, with around 70 already employed in the local Lloyds plant. A District Reborn The transformation of Gadchiroli is now moving beyond security concerns. With the decline of extremism, the district is rapidly moving towards development and normalcy. The implementation of development schemes, round-the-clock electricity, water supply, mobile towers, and new infrastructure like roads and bridges is being given top priority. He concludes that the police’s focus is now shifting from an anti-Maoist offensive to routine law-and-order policing, addressing new challenges like industrialisation, theft, and traffic management. With the Maoist movement in “complete disarray” and major strongholds like the Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh (MMC) Special Zone collapsing, the SP is highly optimistic. Gadchiroli is not just getting rid of the Naxal menace; it is embracing its future as a developing, peaceful district, well on track to meet the central government’s goal of eradicating Naxalism by March 31, 2026.

Mann Overboard

As Punjab faces its worst floods in four decades, the Chief Minister’s conspicuous absence exposes a major leadership vacuum in the state.

Punjab
Punjab

As Punjab reels from its worst floods in decades, the state’s Chief Minister, Bhagwant Mann, has been conspicuously absent. Confined to a hospital bed and citing ill health, he has offered social media statements instead of dynamic leadership. While rivers surged and villages drowned, Mann’s inaction left the people of Punjab to navigate the crisis themselves.


The statistics are grim. More than 1,900 villages are submerged, 400,000 acres of cropland are ruined, and over three lakh people have been affected. Cities like Ludhiana struggle not only with swollen rivers but with overflowing sewage and industrial waste. The death toll has climbed to 52, and around 1.91 lakh hectares of farmland lie destroyed. For a state that prides itself on agricultural productivity, these losses are devastating, threatening food supply chains, livelihoods, and long-term economic stability.


Into this vacuum has stepped Prime Minister Narendra Modi. During a day-long visit to Punjab and neighbouring Himachal Pradesh, he conducted an aerial survey of flood-ravaged areas and chaired a meeting in Gurdaspur with officials and local representatives. Modi announced Rs. 1,600 crore in additional financial assistance, compensation for victims’ families, and support for orphaned children under the PM Cares for Children scheme. The central government also moved to advance instalments of the State Disaster Response Fund and PM Kisan Samman Nidhi. The Centre’s intervention casts an unflattering light on Punjab’s own administration.


Punjab’s perennial scapegoat, the Bhakra Nangal and Pong dams, incidentally remained largely under control. Instead, the catastrophe was driven by mismanagement of the Ranjit Sagar Dam, which falls directly under the control of the State’s irrigation and power departments. High storage levels ahead of extraordinary rainfall forced emergency releases of water, overwhelming downstream Madhopur barrage gates and submerging villages in Gurdaspur, Pathankot, and Amritsar. Even days after the rains abated, releases continued at high volumes, prolonging the flood crisis. Official justifications that there was “no choice”do little to explain why storage was not lowered earlier or why local communities were not warned.


Political posturing compounded the crisis. The AAP government accused New Delhi of withholding Rs. 60,000 crore owed to the state, while BJP leaders highlighted central relief efforts, including Army, Air Force and NDRF operations. Yet political rhetoric cannot substitute for competent crisis management. Rescue operations, relief distribution and infrastructure repair require planning and decisiveness, neither of which were evident in the days immediately following the deluge.


The Ravi river’s rampage, compounded by swollen tributaries like the Ujh, has revealed a disturbing governance deficit. Punjab’s history of blaming external agencies for floods, typically the BBMB-controlled Sutlej and Beas, has long been a political reflex. This time, the crisis emanated from assets under direct state control, making accountability unavoidable. Local officials admit that high storage was maintained even before the peak rains, exposing the state’s disaster planning as reactive rather than proactive.


Bhagwant Mann’s background as a comedian-turned-politician offers some context. Populism over policy, performance over planning, and optics over outcomes have long defined his style. In moments of genuine crisis, his theatricality is a liability. Leadership, especially in a natural disaster of this magnitude, needs forceful action.


India’s federal structure grants states autonomy, but autonomy without competence is dangerous. Punjab’s citizens are paying the price for a leadership more interested in deflection than delivery. The central government’s financial aid and relief measures may alleviate immediate suffering, but long-term resilience will require reform, planning, and accountability at the state level. The floodwaters will eventually recede, but the political flood of excuses and evasions must be stemmed.


The present crisis is a stark reminder that governance is tested not in prosperity but in adversity. Punjab’s people deserve leaders who confront disasters head-on, communicate transparently and prioritise citizens over optics. Bhagwant Mann’s predicament (whether due to health or convenience) has become a public emergency, highlighting a leadership vacuum that no social media post can fill.

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