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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron...

Red flag to green steel

Ex-Maoists forge new destiny in Gadchiroli Gadchiroli: The rugged, forested terrain of Gadchiroli district, long synonymous with the violence and deep-rooted anti-establishment tenets of the ‘Red Ideology’, is now witnessing a remarkable social and industrial transformation. At the Lloyds Metals and Energy Ltd. (LMEL) plant in Konsari, once-feared Maoist operatives are shedding their past lives and embracing a new, respectable existence as skilled workers in a cutting-edge Direct Reduced Iron (DRI) and pellet plant. This ‘green steel’ project, part of LMEL’s push for an integrated steel complex in the region, is functioning not just as an industrial unit but as a crucial pillar in the Maharashtra government’s surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. So far, LMEL, in coordination with the state government and the Gadchiroli Police, has provided employment and training to 68 surrendered Maoists and 14 members of families affected by Naxal violence, a total of 82 individuals, offering them a definitive pathway back to the mainstream. The Shift The transformation begins at the company’s dedicated Lloyds Skill Development and Training Centre at Konsari. Recognizing that many former cadres had limited formal education, the company implements a structured, skill-based rehabilitation model. They are trained in essential technical and operational skills required for plant administration, civil construction, and mechanical operations. For individuals like Govinda Atala, a former deputy commander, the change is palpable. “After surrendering, I got the right to live a new life,” Atala said. “I am very happy to get this job. I am now living my life on my own; there is no pressure on me now.” Suresh Hichame, who spent over a decade in the movement before surrendering in 2009 too echoed the sentiments. He realized the path of violence offered neither him nor his family any benefit. Moreover, his self-respecct was hurt. He knew several languages and carried out several crucial tasks for the banned organization remaining constantly under the shadow of death. Today, he works in the plant, receiving a steady monthly salary that enables him to care for his family—a basic dignity the ‘Red Ideology’ could never provide. The monthly salaries of the rehabilitated workers, typically ranging from Rs 13,000 to Rs 20,000, are revolutionary in a region long characterized by poverty and lack of opportunities. Trust, Stability The employment of former Maoists is a brave and calculated risk for LMEL, an industry that historically faced stiff opposition and even violence from the left wing extremist groups. LMEL’s management, however, sees it as an investment in inclusive growth and long-term stability for the district. The LMEL has emphasized the company’s commitment to training and facilitating career growth for the local populace, including the surrendered cadres. This commitment to local workforce upskilling is proving to be a highly effective counter-insurgency strategy, chipping away at the foundation of the Maoist movement: the exploitation of local grievances and lack of economic options. The reintegration effort extends beyond the factory floor. By providing stable incomes and a sense of purpose, LMEL helps the former rebels navigate the social transition. They are now homeowners, taxpayers, and active members of the community, replacing the identity of an outlaw with that of a respected employee. This social acceptance, coupled with economic independence, is the true measure of rehabilitation. The successful employment of cadres, some of whom were once high-ranking commanders, also sends a powerful message to those still active in the jungle: the path to a peaceful and prosperous life is open and tangible. It transforms the promise of government rehabilitation into a concrete reality. The plant, with its production of iron ore and steel, is physically transforming the region into an emerging industrial hub, and in doing so, it is symbolically forging the nation’s progress out of the ashes of extremism. The coordinated effort between private industry, the state government, and the Gadchiroli police is establishing a new environment of trust, stability, and economic progress, marking Gadchiroli’s transition from a Maoist hotbed to a model of inclusive and sustainable development.

Merit’s Mask: How India’s Civil Service Sidelines Social Justice

Merit’s Mask: How India’s Civil Service Sidelines Social Justice

The UPSC stands at a perilous crossroads as backlogs, lateral entry and interview bias threaten its founding promise of equal opportunity.

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Every summer, India’s media hails the toppers of the Union Public Service Commission (UPSC) Civil Services Examination with near-religious fervour. This year was no different. Names, photographs and caste affiliations of high-ranking candidates from marginalised communities were circulated with pride, as if the triumph of a few could mask the quiet erosion of systemic safeguards meant for many. But behind the confetti lies a grimmer story of backlogged reservations, stealthy lateral entries and an interview system that rewards polish over potential. India’s civil services, far from being the great leveller envisioned in the Constitution, are becoming a fortress of privilege.


Central to this problem is the crumbling edifice of reservations for Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Other Backward Classes (OBCs). Although the Constitution mandates quotas of 15 percentage, 7.5 percentage and 27 percentage for SCs, STs, and OBCs respectively in government employment, actual representation is slipping. The reasons are not accidental; they are structural, bureaucratic and increasingly political.


Consider first the vanishing opportunities. According to scholars Christophe Jaffrelot and Kalaiyarasan, the number of candidates shortlisted by UPSC dropped from 1,236 in 2014 to just 759 in 2018 (a fall of nearly 40 percent). This decline came at a time when central government vacancies rose, from 550,000 in 2006 to 750,000 in 2014. There are no reliable figures since, but the absence of data is itself telling. Even as the number of posts grows, reserved posts remain unfilled. The number of central government employees declined from 32.7 lakh in 2003 to 26.3 lakh in 2012. The number of SC employees dropped 16 percent despite the rising share of their mandated representation.


The root of this attrition lies partly in what is absent - recruitment - but also in what has been added: lateral entry. Marketed as a way to infuse technocratic expertise into sclerotic bureaucracy, the scheme has instead become a backdoor that circumvents reservation entirely. In 2019, 89 individuals were shortlisted for 10 Joint Secretary-level posts, none of them subject to reservation. By 2024, the government expanded the programme to 45 key positions - 10 Joint Secretaries and 35 Directors or Deputy Secretaries. Not only does the government refuse to collect caste-based data on these hires, but a significant majority - 35 of 63 lateral entrants to date - have come from the private sector, where the composition overwhelmingly favours upper castes.


This dilution of affirmative action is most evident at the top. As per data compiled by IRS officer and author Nethra Pal, SC, ST, and OBC officers comprise just 4.39 percentage of Secretaries in the central government. STs and OBCs have zero representation at this level. General category officers make up a staggering 95.5 percentage. Even at the Director level, where the mandated quota adds up to 49.5 percentage, actual representation remains in the low teens. Of the 928 officers above this level, only 120 (or 13 percent) are SC or ST, far short of the 208 mandated under policy.


This sharp decline in representation as one climbs the bureaucratic ladder raises uncomfortable questions. One answer may lie in the deeply flawed selection process itself, particularly the interview or Personality Test conducted by UPSC. According to Pal’s decade-long study of 10,678 candidates between 2007 and 2017, the average marks gap between General and reserved category candidates was minimal, roughly two to five percent overall. In written tests, the gap narrows further, with SC and ST candidates scoring almost on par with their General counterparts. Yet during interviews, these same candidates are systematically marked down.


This pattern is more than anecdotal. In the top 100 SC candidates studied, only one scored more than 200 out of 300 marks in the Personality Test, despite strong performance in the written exam. Allegations of caste-based discrimination have emerged repeatedly. In 2021, Delhi’s Social Welfare Minister Rajendra Pal Gautam wrote to the UPSC Chairman urging anonymised interviews, citing complaints from SC/ST candidates. He suggested randomly mixing candidates instead of grouping them by reservation status. The UPSC has yet to act.


In 2023, the All-India OBC Students Association pointed to systemic evasion of quotas, especially through the now-routine practice of declaring reserved candidates ‘not found suitable’ to justify not filling vacancies.


The Indian state appears to be increasingly relying on informal mechanisms - lateral entry, opaque interviews and selective appointments - to tilt the scales back in favour of entrenched elites.


This is not a call to abandon merit but to reimagine it. If merit is defined solely by the social capital of English fluency, urbane manners or elite education - often concentrated in the upper castes - then the system is not neutral; it is rigged. True meritocracy in a deeply unequal society demands recognising and correcting for structural disadvantages, not reinforcing them.


India needs a comprehensive law to clear reservation backlogs, a freeze on lateral appointments without proportional representation, and above all, transparency in interviews. Publish caste-wise interview scores. Anonymize identities. Restore faith in a system that is meant to serve all, not just the privileged few.


Otherwise, merit will remain a mask worn by those already ahead, while the rest keep running with their shoelaces tied.


(The writer has completed his Masters in Public Policy and Governance from the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. Views personal.)

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