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By:

Shoumojit Banerjee

27 August 2024 at 9:57:52 am

Classroom of Courage

In drought-scarred Maharashtra, a couple’s experiment in democratic schooling is turning child beggars into model citizens In the parched stretches of Maharashtra, from Solapur to the drought-hit villages of Marathwada, a modest social experiment has quietly unfolded for nearly two decades. It is neither a grand government scheme nor a corporate-backed charity. Since 2007, the Ajit Foundation, founded by Mahesh and Vinaya Nimbalkar, has worked with children living at the sharpest edges of...

Classroom of Courage

In drought-scarred Maharashtra, a couple’s experiment in democratic schooling is turning child beggars into model citizens In the parched stretches of Maharashtra, from Solapur to the drought-hit villages of Marathwada, a modest social experiment has quietly unfolded for nearly two decades. It is neither a grand government scheme nor a corporate-backed charity. Since 2007, the Ajit Foundation, founded by Mahesh and Vinaya Nimbalkar, has worked with children living at the sharpest edges of society in Maharashtra. The foundation has become a home for out-of-school children, those who have never enrolled, the children of migrant labourers and single parents, and those who scavenge at garbage dumps or drift between odd jobs. To call their foundation an “NGO” is to miss the point. Vinaya Nimbalkar describes it as a “democratic laboratory”, where education is not merely instruction but an initiation into citizenship. The couple were once government schoolteachers with the Solapur Zilla Parishad, leading stable lives. Yet what they witnessed unsettled them: children who had never held a pencil, begging at traffic signals or sorting refuse for a living. Prompted by this reality, the Nimbalkars resigned their jobs to work full-time for the education of such children. Leap of Faith They began modestly, teaching children in migrant settlements in Solapur and using their own salaries to pay small honorariums to activists. Funds soon ran dry, and volunteers drifted away. Forced out of their home because of their commitment to the cause, they started a one-room school where Vinaya, Mahesh, their infant son Srijan and forty children aged six to fourteen lived together as an unlikely family. The experiment later moved to Barshi in the Solapur district with support from Anandvan. Rural hardship, financial uncertainty and the pandemic repeatedly tested their resolve. At one stage, they assumed educational guardianship of nearly 200 children from families that survived by collecting scrap on the village outskirts. Eventually, the foundation relocated to Talegaon Dabhade near Pune, where it now runs a residential hostel. Twenty-five children currently live and study there. The numbers may seem modest, but the ambition is not. Democracy in Practice What distinguishes the Ajit Foundation is not only who it serves but also how it operates. Within its walls, democracy is practised through a Children’s Gram Panchayat and a miniature Municipal Council elected by the children themselves. Young candidates canvass, hold meetings and present their budgets. Children maintain accounts and share decisions about chores, activities and certain disciplinary matters. In a country where democratic culture is often reduced to voting, the foundation’s approach is quietly radical. It treats children from marginalised backgrounds as citizens in formation. The right to choose — whether to focus on sport, cooking, mathematics or cultural activities — is respected. “We try never to take away what is their own,” says Vinaya Nimbalkar. Rather than forcing every child into a uniform academic mould, individual abilities are encouraged. A boy skilled in daily calculations may not be pushed into hours of bookish study; a girl who excels in cooking may lead the kitchen team. For children who have known only precarity, standing for election, managing a budget or speaking at a meeting can be transformative. On International Women’s Day, the foundation seeks visibility not just for praise but for partnership. If you are inspired by their mission, consider supporting or collaborating—your involvement can help extend opportunities to more children in need.

Municipal Wars, Statewide Stakes

The Supreme Court’s verdict jolts Maharashtra into election mode, turning the delayed civic polls into a decisive test of power, pride and survival.

The Supreme Court has finally cleared the way for the long-delayed local body, municipal corporation and nagar panchayat elections in Maharashtra. With the court firmly stating that the remaining elections must be held without breaching the 50 percent reservation limit, the long-standing deadlock has ended. This verdict now pushes all political parties into immediate campaign mode, setting off one of the most important grassroots elections the state will witness in recent years.


The Supreme Court’s ruling has drawn a firm line under months of legal fog. A tangle of petitions before the Bombay High Court and the apex court had cast doubt on reservation arrangements, voter-list revisions and the basic fairness of the electoral timetable.


Of all the contenders, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) appears to have a head start. Even before the verdict was announced, the BJP had been in full-time election mode. Senior leaders, district-level workers and booth committees have been active for several months, constantly engaging with voters and preparing for the grassroots contest.


For the BJP, however, this election is not only about winning local bodies. It is also important for the party’s internal leadership dynamics. Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis is seen as the driving force behind the party’s strategy across urban and semi-urban regions. A strong performance in these elections will help him reinforce his position within the party and the Mahayuti alliance.


Veiled signals

There is also political chatter about whether Fadnavis needs these victories to send a signal both to the BJP high command in Delhi and to alliance partners in Maharashtra. If the BJP manages to dominate municipal corporations, nagar parishads and zilla parishads, Fadnavis’ leadership will receive a major boost. This will also strengthen his political position at the state level, especially at a time when internal differences within the Mahayuti alliance have occasionally surfaced.


For Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde and his Shiv Sena, this election cycle is equally significant. The Shinde-led government had claimed strong support for welfare schemes such as the Ladki Bahin Yojana, which many of his followers believe played a major role in the alliance’s win in the 2024 Maharashtra Assembly election. Some within the Shinde camp even feel that the scheme gave the alliance the push it needed, and that the credit should largely be attributed to the former Chief Minister.


This has quietly created a sense of competition between the Shinde and Fadnavis camps. Political observers have noted that the increased proximity between Fadnavis and Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar is being watched closely by the Shinde group. 


In this combustible environment, Shinde will be under pressure to ensure that his faction performs well in these local elections. Controlling key municipal bodies, especially in the Mumbai Metropolitan Region, will allow him to show that his leadership remains strong at both administrative and political levels. A good performance will help him balance internal pressures and assert his role within the Mahayuti alliance.


In the Opposition MVA side, the polls will decide the fate of Uddhav Thackeray’s Shiv Sena (UBT). These elections will demonstrate whether the party can retain itstraditional urban base after the 2022 Shiv Sena split. Municipal corporations like Mumbai,Thane, Nashik and Pune have historically been Sena strongholds, and losingthese would significantly weaken the party’s political influence.


A major challenge for the Sena (UBT) is the weakening of its ground-levelorganisation. Many of its earlier aggressive, street-ready workers are no longer active in the same way. The party now has several experienced leaders but few mass mobilisers. In a local election where booth-levelstrength matters more than speeches or rallies, this gap could create difficulties.


The recent meeting between Uddhav Thackeray and his cousin Raj Thackeray, which drew significant media attention, is being seen as an attempt to improve coordination and reduce friction over seat-sharing. However, political analysts believe that the meeting might benefit Raj Thackeray more than Uddhav. In this reunion, public sympathy seems to be moving toward Raj, who is still associatedwith the early, energetic style that defined the undivided Shiv Sena.


Existential crisis

Uddhav now faces the challenge of protecting his base within the Maha VikasAghadi (MVA) alliance and maintaining his influence across the state. For him, these polls are an existential affair.


Among all the political leaders in Maharashtra, Raj Thackeray appears to havegained the most attention in recent months. The Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) chief has taken up issues that have struck a chord with Marathi voters, including concerns about the voter list, mismanagement in civic systems, and Marathi pride. 


His meeting with Uddhav was seen as a canny political move. The MNS still has a solid base of loyal and energetic workers who could be activated again through these symbolic moves.


If Raj Thackeray manages to convert this regained visibility into actual votes, especially in Mumbai, Nashik, Thane and Pune, the MNS could find itself back in the political game in a meaningful way. The poll results will reveal whether Raj’s renewed political engagement translates into ground support.


Sharad Pawar continues to be one of the most influential political minds in Maharashtra. Even at this stage, he remains central to the opposition space. In recent remarks, he raised concerns about attempts to attract voters with money, signalling his willingness to bring ethical issues into the political narrative.


He has also been meeting leaders across parties, keeping all options open. Political reports suggest that he may be exploring the idea of a limited understanding with Ajit Pawar for these elections. Pawar has always been known for unexpected strategic moves, referred to as his ‘dhakkatantra’ (‘push politics’).


With the Supreme Court removing the last legal barrier, the state now plunges into a keenly-fought local bodies’ election. These polls will not only decide who controls municipal corporations and panchayats but who influences Maharashtra's political atmosphere in the near future.


(The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

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