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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 1:54:18 pm

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the...

Infrastructure moment in MMR

Mumbai: The Mumbai Metropolitan Region (MMR) stands at a critical inflection point as the Mahayuti alliance secured near-complete control over key municipal corporations across the region. With aligned political leadership at the state and civic levels, the long-fragmented governance architecture of India’s most complex urban agglomeration may finally see greater coherence in planning and execution. For a region grappling with mobility stress, water insecurity and uneven urban expansion, the question now is not what to build—but how quickly and seamlessly projects can be delivered. Urban mobility remains the backbone of MMR’s infrastructure agenda. Several metro corridors are at advanced stages, including the Andheri West–Vikhroli Metro Line 6 and extensions of the Colaba–Bandra–SEEPZ Metro Line 3. While construction has progressed steadily, coordination issues with municipal agencies—particularly related to road restoration, utilities shifting and traffic management—have often slowed execution. With elected civic bodies now politically aligned with the state government and agencies like MMRDA and MMRC, these bottlenecks are expected to ease. Decision-making on road closures, permissions for casting yards and last-mile integration with buses and footpaths could see faster turnarounds. Suburban rail projects such as the Panvel–Karjat corridor and additional railway lines on the Central and Western routes are also likely to benefit from smoother land acquisition and rehabilitation approvals, traditionally the most contentious municipal functions. Regional Connectivity MMR’s road infrastructure has expanded rapidly in recent years, but execution has often been uneven across municipal boundaries. Projects such as the Mumbai Coastal Road, the Goregaon–Mulund Link Road, the Thane–Borivali tunnel and the Airoli–Katai connector have regional significance but require constant coordination with local bodies for utilities, encroachments and traffic planning. Under a unified civic dispensation, authorities expect fewer inter-agency delays and greater willingness at the municipal level to prioritise regionally critical projects over hyper-local political considerations. The next phase of the Coastal Road, suburban creek bridges, and arterial road widening projects in fast-growing nodes like Vasai-Virar, Kalyan-Dombivli and Panvel could be streamlined as municipal corporations align their development plans with state transport objectives. Water Security Water supply remains one of the most politically sensitive infrastructure issues in MMR, particularly in peripheral urban zones. Projects such as the Surya Regional Water Supply Scheme and proposed dam developments in the Karjat region are designed to address chronic shortages in Mira-Bhayandar, Vasai-Virar and parts of Navi Mumbai. While these projects are state-driven, municipal cooperation is critical for distribution networks, billing systems and sewerage integration. With elected bodies replacing administrators, local governments are expected to accelerate last-mile pipelines, treatment plants and sewage networks that often lag behind bulk water infrastructure. Unified political control may also reduce resistance to tariff rationalisation and long-delayed sewage treatment upgrades mandated under environmental norms. Housing Integration One area where political alignment could have an outsized impact is redevelopment—particularly slum rehabilitation and transit-oriented development. Many large housing projects have stalled due to disputes between civic officials, state agencies and local political interests. A cohesive governance structure could fast-track approvals for cluster redevelopment near metro corridors, unlocking both housing supply and ridership potential. Municipal corporations are also likely to align their development control regulations more closely with state urban policy, enabling higher density near transport nodes and more predictable redevelopment timelines. This could be transformative for older suburbs and industrial belts awaiting regeneration. The return of elected municipal councils after years of administrative rule introduces political accountability but also sharper alignment with state priorities. Budget approvals, tendering processes and policy decisions that earlier faced delays due to political uncertainty are expected to move faster. Capital expenditure plans could increasingly reflect regional priorities rather than fragmented ward-level demands. However, challenges remain. Faster execution will depend not only on political control but on institutional capacity, contractor performance and financial discipline. Public scrutiny is also likely to intensify as elected representatives seek visible results within fixed tenures.

Nalanda’s New Sage

As India revives its most storied ancient university, a seasoned development economist takes the reins with grand visions for global dialogue and post-Western pedagogy.

The venerable town Rajgir in Bihar, nestled between sacred hills and Buddhist relics, is about to hum with new academic purpose. Nalanda University, once the jewel of ancient Indian learning, home to 10,000 students and 2,000 monks, has been undergoing a renaissance. At the helm of this ambitious revival stands Professor Sachin Chaturvedi, a scholar of development economics and global policy, who recently took charge as Vice-Chancellor.


His swearing-in ceremony marked the beginning of what he calls the university’s “take-off mode” in a nod to both the newly completed campus and a renewed intellectual mission.


Professor Chaturvedi is a heavyweight in India’s policy and academic circles. As Director General of the Delhi-based think tank RIS (Research and Information System for Developing Countries), he has been a voice for South-South cooperation long before it became a buzzword. He has advised governments, authored several books and currently sits on the board of India’s central bank. His brand of diplomacy is economic laced with the philosophical. “With the collapse of the Washington Consensus,” he says, “we need a new development philosophy for the Global South.” Nalanda, believes Chaturvedi, is the perfect launchpad.


That is no small ambition. Founded by Gupta emperor Kumargupta I in the 5th century AD, the original Nalanda Mahavihara drew scholars from China, Japan, Korea, and beyond, before being destroyed in the 12th century. Its contemporary avatar, declared an “institution of national importance” by Parliament in 2010, is now backed by 18 member countries of the East Asia Summit. The Ministry of External Affairs oversees its functioning, emphasising its role as a soft power project as much as a scholarly one.


Chaturvedi’s vision for Nalanda blends this soft diplomacy with serious academic heft.


That tradition, however, requires infrastructure. Thankfully, the heavy lifting is nearly done. Designed by the late BV Doshi, a Pritzker-winning architect, the university’s new eco-conscious campus sprawls across 455 acres. It includes 100 acres of water bodies and 300 acres of forest, in line with Doshi’s vision of Vaastu-aligned, carbon-neutral construction.


Already, the student count stands at 540 and is expected to cross 900 this year. More importantly, Chaturvedi wants the university to become a hub for cross-border discourse, drawing students, scholars, diplomats, and policymakers alike. Unlike the South Asian University run by SAARC, Nalanda is entirely Indian-led, which gives Chaturvedi the autonomy to think big.


And big he does. His plans include bringing Indian philosophy into direct conversation with modern policy-making by linking ideas from the Upanishads and Buddhist ethics to global governance, climate justice, and inclusive growth. It is a bold attempt to decolonise curriculum without lapsing into nostalgia.


Indeed, Nalanda’s revival under Chaturvedi might ultimately hinge on his ability to strike a balance between global relevance and civilisational pride. In this, he follows in the footsteps of Nobel laureate Amartya Sen, the university’s first chancellor, and works alongside Arvind Panagariya, its current one. With Bihar’s Chief Minister Nitish Kumar and Prime Minister Narendra Modi both taking active interest, the political winds seem favourable.


But academia is rarely smooth sailing. Funding and establishing credibility on the global stage will be uphill tasks. Yet, if Chaturvedi succeeds in his mission, Nalanda may once again become what it once was: a lighthouse of learning in a world adrift in ideological darkness.

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