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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Neutral Intentions

Updated: Nov 7, 2024

Neutral Intentions

By ordering the transfer of Maharashtra’s Director General of Police, Rashmi Shukla, just weeks before the state’s Assembly election, the Election Commission of India (ECI) is sending a clear message: it wants to be seen as an impartial arbiter in a political climate thick with accusations. Shukla’s removal, triggered by allegations of bias from the Congress party, underscores the Commission’s awareness of how vital institutional neutrality is to voters, particularly in a state roiled by high-stakes rivalries and factional splits.


Said to be close to BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis, the controversy around Shukla’s tenure is hardly new. As Commissioner of the State Intelligence Department (SID), she was accused of illegal phone tapping and partisanship against leaders of the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) which comprises of the Congress, the Shiv Sena (UBT) and the NCP. Her transfer to Civil Defence under the Thackeray government reflected these suspicions, though she returned to prominence with the appointment of the BJP-aligned Shinde administration. It was her chequered past that led Congress leader Nana Patole to appeal to the ECI and demand her removal.


This move by the ECI may also be seen as a response to wider criticism of its impartiality. In the past few months, the Commission has faced flak form prominent opposition leaders, including Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar, for awarding the official names and symbols of the Shiv Sena and the NCP to BJP-aligned factions. By acting decisively in Shukla’s case, the ECI may be seeking to restore its credibility among those who believe it has leaned toward the ruling party’s interests. The ECI’s swift action in Maharashtra mirrors its approach in Jharkhand, where it recently ordered the removal of the state’s acting police chief over similar concerns of political bias. The timing of these actions, across states with imminent elections, suggests the Commission is keen to avoid accusations of favouritism that could cast a shadow over the electoral process.


This intervention comes at a delicate time for Maharashtra, where the Shiv Sena and NCP splits have upended the traditional electoral dynamic. Besides the BJP and the Congress, the election has devolved into a four-way fight: the Thackeray-led Shiv Sena (UBT) faces off against Shinde’s BJP-backed faction, while Sharad Pawar’s NCP battles with his nephew Ajit Pawar’s pro-Mahayuti wing. In such a polarized context, perceptions of neutrality carry weight. By transferring Shukla, the ECI has signaled its commitment to an even-handed election, despite the unavoidable optics of institutional bias in a complex field.


Whether this move will convince Maharashtra’s voters of the ECI’s neutrality remains to be seen. But by removing Shukla, the Commission has shown that it is, at least, keenly aware of its need to be perceived as impartial in a climate where perceptions overshadow intent. The question is whether the Commission can maintain this perception through the final act of what promises to be one of Maharashtra’s most watched electoral contests.

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