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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 8:56:24 pm

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law...

‘Save Sharia’ campaign feeds Hindutva politics

Mumbai: Prominent Muslims and others have slammed the All India Muslim Personal Law Board’s ‘Save India, Save Sharia’ nationwide campaign, alleging that it could deepen polarization while willy-nilly supporting the very forces the AIMPLB claims to oppose. Launched on Sep. 17 – coinciding with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 76th birthday – the AIMPLB’s 3-month-long campaign is aimed at mobilizing public opinion around protecting the Constitutional rights, preserving the Muslim Personal Law within the framework of safeguarding India’s pluralistic and democratic character. The AIMPLB leaders said they are soliciting support of people, intellectuals, activists, social and religious organisations who value justice, democracy, peace and the Constitution, to strengthen constitutional supremacy, the rule of law, justice and equality, religious freedom, social harmony and national unity. Around 100 progressive Muslim and non-Muslim intellectuals, activists, organisations and supporters have warned that what the AIMPLB presents as a defence of constitutional rights, religious freedom and Muslim identity "could deepen divisions, and may provide political ammunition to right-wing forces". The progressive have accused AIMPLB of selectively invoking Art. 25-30 of the Constitution related to Religious Freedom, while ignoring that these rights are explicitly subject to public order, morality, and health. Moreover, they conveniently bypass Articles 14 and 15, which guarantee equality before the law and prohibit sex or religion-based discrimination. “Following the 2024 Lok Sabha elections where civil society and opposition parties rallied under 'Save the Constitution', the AIMPLB's campaign inadvertently gave the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Sangh Parivar a platform to posture as defenders of constitutional norms. Ahead of crucial state assembly elections, this campaign reinforces false narratives and fuels propaganda that Indian Muslims reject the law of the land,” said the intellectuals. They pointed out how the so-called ‘God-given Shariat Law’ in India is nothing but man-made personal laws and ‘male interpreted patriarchal interpretations’, defended by the AIMPLB. In its September 2016 Supreme Court affidavit in the Triple Talaq case (Sayara Bano v/s. Union of India), the AIMPLB’s affidavit claimed divorce rights belong primarily to husbands because men allegedly possess ‘greater power of decision-making’ and ‘control emotions’. It even argued that without a quick separation option, a husband ‘may resort to illegal, criminal ways of murdering or burning her alive’ - a disturbing rationalization of domestic violence. Claiming these laws are divine, the AIMPLB admitted that “India is a patriarchal society, and therefore personal laws of all communities are aligned with the patriarchal notion...” The progressives countered that Muslim-majority nations globally including Pakistan, Bangladesh, Tunisia and Morocco have codified and reformed personal laws to protect women's rights. “Millions of Muslims live in secular democratic nations with uniform family codes without putting ‘Islam in danger’. The Muslim community’s current legal predicament in India is the direct result of the AIMPLB and conservative leaders failing to proactively reform and codify Muslim Personal Law,” said the progressives sharply. They said that genuine family law reform must guarantee Muslim women equal rights regarding minimum marriage age, abolition of polygamy, mutual divorce, equal inheritance, child custody, adoption, and a ban on female genital mutilation and halala. While secular political parties rarely support the rights of Muslim women, the BJP and the Hindu Right wing do so with an obvious motive: ‘communal polarization’, said the progressives. “The sangh parivar sheds crocodile tears for Muslim women while ignoring relentless hate speech (Love Jihad, Land Jihad…) and hate crimes like mob lynching, bulldozing homes, demolishing mosques or economic boycotts, with chants of ‘Jai Shri Ram’ to intimidate and strike fear. This accompanies state actions targeting Muslims: Waqf Amendment Act, draconian anti-conversion laws, and a weaponised SIR (Special Intensive Revision of Electoral Rolls) to disenfranchise vast sections of the electorate,” they averred. The progressives have sought the active involvement of all enlightened forces, civil society organisations and secular political parties to ensure that the demand for a gender-just, religion-neutral Uniform Civil Code is rooted in equality and human rights, rather than weaponized for communal division. Among the signatories to the appeal are: Naseeruddin Shah, Amol Palekar, Zeenat Shaukat Ali, Anand Patwardhan, Sultan Shaheen, Teesta Setalvad, Ram Puniyani, Tushar Gandhi, Mallika Sarabhai, Ratna Pathak, Feroze Mithiborwala, Anita Cheria, Zakia Soman, Jyothi Yedulla, Noorjehan S. Niaz, Madhu Bhaduri, et al.

Neutral Intentions

Nov 6, 2024
2 min read

Updated: Nov 7, 2024

Neutral Intentions

By ordering the transfer of Maharashtra’s Director General of Police, Rashmi Shukla, just weeks before the state’s Assembly election, the Election Commission of India (ECI) is sending a clear message: it wants to be seen as an impartial arbiter in a political climate thick with accusations. Shukla’s removal, triggered by allegations of bias from the Congress party, underscores the Commission’s awareness of how vital institutional neutrality is to voters, particularly in a state roiled by high-stakes rivalries and factional splits.


Said to be close to BJP leader Devendra Fadnavis, the controversy around Shukla’s tenure is hardly new. As Commissioner of the State Intelligence Department (SID), she was accused of illegal phone tapping and partisanship against leaders of the Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) which comprises of the Congress, the Shiv Sena (UBT) and the NCP. Her transfer to Civil Defence under the Thackeray government reflected these suspicions, though she returned to prominence with the appointment of the BJP-aligned Shinde administration. It was her chequered past that led Congress leader Nana Patole to appeal to the ECI and demand her removal.


This move by the ECI may also be seen as a response to wider criticism of its impartiality. In the past few months, the Commission has faced flak form prominent opposition leaders, including Uddhav Thackeray and Sharad Pawar, for awarding the official names and symbols of the Shiv Sena and the NCP to BJP-aligned factions. By acting decisively in Shukla’s case, the ECI may be seeking to restore its credibility among those who believe it has leaned toward the ruling party’s interests. The ECI’s swift action in Maharashtra mirrors its approach in Jharkhand, where it recently ordered the removal of the state’s acting police chief over similar concerns of political bias. The timing of these actions, across states with imminent elections, suggests the Commission is keen to avoid accusations of favouritism that could cast a shadow over the electoral process.


This intervention comes at a delicate time for Maharashtra, where the Shiv Sena and NCP splits have upended the traditional electoral dynamic. Besides the BJP and the Congress, the election has devolved into a four-way fight: the Thackeray-led Shiv Sena (UBT) faces off against Shinde’s BJP-backed faction, while Sharad Pawar’s NCP battles with his nephew Ajit Pawar’s pro-Mahayuti wing. In such a polarized context, perceptions of neutrality carry weight. By transferring Shukla, the ECI has signaled its commitment to an even-handed election, despite the unavoidable optics of institutional bias in a complex field.


Whether this move will convince Maharashtra’s voters of the ECI’s neutrality remains to be seen. But by removing Shukla, the Commission has shown that it is, at least, keenly aware of its need to be perceived as impartial in a climate where perceptions overshadow intent. The question is whether the Commission can maintain this perception through the final act of what promises to be one of Maharashtra’s most watched electoral contests.

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