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By:

Bhalchandra Chorghade

11 August 2025 at 7:24:18 pm

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no...

CIDCO struggles to find takers for its homes

Mumbai: The City and Industrial Development Corporation’s (CIDCO) latest housing scheme has exposed a recurring challenge for the planning authority: finding buyers for its large housing inventory despite its affordable-housing focus. The August 2026 scheme offered 4,793 homes in Taloja, Kharghar and Kalamboli and received 4,180 confirmed applications before bookings closed on September 3. While CIDCO described the response as strong, 613 homes—nearly 13 per cent of the inventory—had no confirmed applicant. This follows earlier schemes with similar gaps. In January 2025, CIDCO’s ‘My Preferred Home’ scheme, offering around 26,000 homes across Navi Mumbai, attracted 1.36 lakh initial applications. However, only about 55,000 applicants paid the registration fee and around 22,000 deposited the required earnest money, leaving serious participation below the number of homes offered. A CAG-linked report on two CIDCO housing schemes in Kharghar found that, of 4,814 saleable tenements, allotment letters had been issued to 3,733 applicants and possession handed over to 3,317. Four years after the draw, 1,081 tenements remained unsold. CIDCO has also faced scrutiny over marketing expenditure. In 2023, reports questioned the appointment of private agencies to market and allot PMAY homes, stating that the agencies had received advances of more than Rs 100 crore before sales took place. CIDCO officials said external support was necessary given the scale of the programme. The scale of investment adds to the concern. CIDCO’s mass-housing programme envisaged 68,515 homes at an estimated cost of around Rs 15,300 crore. A 2024 report noted that thousands of completed homes were awaiting sale, locking up capital and increasing the authority’s financial burden. The latest homes are located in Taloja Sector 39, Kalamboli Bus Depot and Kharghar Bus Depot. Taloja accounts for 4,229 homes, followed by 257 in Kalamboli and 293 in Kharghar. Indicative prices range from around Rs 23.50 lakh in Taloja to Rs 37.70 lakh in Kalamboli and Rs 43.50 lakh in Kharghar. The figures point to a possible mismatch between what CIDCO considers affordable and what its target buyers can finance. Industry experts have noted that EWS homes priced at Rs 25 lakh or more may be difficult for households within the prescribed income ceiling, particularly after registration, stamp duty, floor-rise charges and other costs. Location may also influence demand. Taloja has seen rapid development and improved connectivity, including metro access, but buyers continue to weigh its distance from established employment centres and social infrastructure, as well as commuting costs. CIDCO maintains that its housing programme meets a genuine need in Navi Mumbai. Ashwin Mudgal, Vice Chairman and Managing Director, CIDCO, said, “The overwhelming response to the housing scheme reflects the aspirations of citizens to own a home in Navi Mumbai and their continued confidence in CIDCO’s planned development initiatives. CIDCO remains committed to providing affordable and quality housing opportunities in well-planned locations, enabling citizens to benefit from the region’s growing infrastructure and connectivity.” The authority has also highlighted the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana-Urban (PMAY-U) subsidy, under which eligible beneficiaries can receive Rs 2.5 lakh, subject to applicable guidelines and eligibility criteria. However, the repeated unsold inventory suggests that CIDCO’s challenge extends beyond construction. Pricing, apartment configurations, location, payment flexibility and connectivity may need to be reassessed before further public resources are committed.

Song Politics

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s address to a special sitting of the Lok Sabha to mark 150 years of Vande Mataram predictably turned into an exercise in political combat with the Opposition, primarily the Congress. Few cultural artefacts in India carry as heavy a historical charge as Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s hymn. To invoke it is to summon the romance of the freedom struggle, the fury of partition politics and the enduring anxieties of national identity in a single breath.


In Modi’s opening flourish, he remarked that when Vande Mataram turned 50, India was in colonial bondage; at 100, it was under Emergency. Now, as the song completes 150 years, the nation has a chance to “restore its glory.” This neat chronology was meant to burnish the Bharatiya Janata Party’s self-image as the custodian of national revival.


The Prime Minister then recalled Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s opposition to Vande Mataram in 1937, Jawaharlal Nehru’s caution that the song might “irritate Muslims,” and the Congress Working Committee’s decision that year to limit its official use. In Modi’s telling, this was not just an attempt at communal accommodation but an original sin of appeasement - the first “fragmentation” of the national song that eventually led by inexorable logic to the Partition of India.


The controversy over Vande Mataram arose because its imagery, drawn from Bankim Chandra Chatterjee’s 19th century novel Anandamath, blended patriotism with religious symbolism that some Muslims found exclusionary. Gandhi himself admired the song’s emotional force but also worried about coercion in matters of conscience. India’s freedom movement was rarely ideologically tidy; it was a series of uneasy bargains stitched together under pressure.


Modi’s speech was also less about historiography than about present politics. By invoking Bengal - Bankim’s home and a State inching towards a key electoral contest - he signalled a renewed cultural courtship of the eastern frontier, where his party still struggles for dominance. Reviving Vande Mataram is also a bid to resonate with a Bengali electorate that takes fierce pride in its literary inheritance.


The retort by the Opposition and many others that Parliament should spend more time to debate pollution and the ongoing IndiGo crisis has struck a nerve. Fewer than 10 percent of Indians can recite the song in full, even as politicians wrap themselves in its symbolism. Against a ledger of urgencies like the air choking Delhi, a day-long debate on a national hymn can look like indulgence.


Still, it would be wrong to dismiss the moment entirely as spectacle. Vande Mataram did animate India’s revolutionaries; men did indeed walk to the gallows with its refrain on their lips. Its revival speaks to a deeper desire to reconnect nationalism with sacrifice rather than entitlement. The real discomfort is not that Vande Mataram is being invoked, but that it is being invoked without equivocation.


For the first time in decades, the anthem of revolt is no longer being murmured as heritage, but asserted as inheritance.

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