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By:

Abhijit Joshi

31 August 2024 at 10:09:24 am

A Walkover in Maharashtra

Unopposed victories and opposition withdrawals reveal the widening gap between Mahayuti’s organisational muscle and the MVA’s fading grassroots strength. As Maharashtra heads towards the Legislative Council elections for 17 Local Authorities Constituency seats on June 18, the political narrative appears to have been settled even before a single vote is cast. A supposedly keen contest between the ruling Mahayuti alliance and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) has instead become a...

A Walkover in Maharashtra

Unopposed victories and opposition withdrawals reveal the widening gap between Mahayuti’s organisational muscle and the MVA’s fading grassroots strength. As Maharashtra heads towards the Legislative Council elections for 17 Local Authorities Constituency seats on June 18, the political narrative appears to have been settled even before a single vote is cast. A supposedly keen contest between the ruling Mahayuti alliance and the opposition Maha Vikas Aghadi (MVA) has instead become a demonstration of the ruling coalition’s growing dominance and the opposition's shrinking political confidence. The most striking feature of this election is not merely the numerical advantage enjoyed by the Mahayuti but the apparent unwillingness of the opposition to mount a serious challenge. Tame Opposition With seven Mahayuti-backed candidates reportedly elected unopposed and several opposition-supported candidates withdrawing from the race, the election has turned into a veritable consolidation of political power. The Maharashtra Legislative Council, or the Upper House consists of 78 members elected through a complex system involving MLAs, local authorities, graduates, teachers, and gubernatorial nominations. The current election concerns 17 seats elected by members of local self-government bodies such as municipal corporations, municipal councils, district councils, and panchayat institutions. Consequently, organizational strength at the grassroots level matters far more than public rallies or social media campaigns. The ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has approached these elections with remarkable organizational discipline. After securing a dominant position in local bodies across large parts of Maharashtra, the party has successfully translated its electoral gains into institutional control. Under the final seat-sharing arrangement, BJP is contesting 11 of the 17 seats, while Deputy Chief Minister Eknath Shinde’s Shiv Sena has been allotted four seats and Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar’s Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) two seats. The distribution reflects the BJP’s position as the undisputed senior partner within the ruling alliance. What is noteworthy is the confidence with which the alliance has managed candidate selection and coalition management. Despite occasional rebellions and disgruntled aspirants, the leadership has largely succeeded in containing dissent before it could affect the electoral outcome. The Mahayuti’s strength stems from years of political expansion at the local level. Municipal councillors, Zilla Parishad members, Panchayat Samiti representatives, and other elected local body members form the electorate in these contests. Over the past decade, BJP has systematically expanded its footprint in these institutions, often at the expense of traditional regional parties. If the Mahayuti enters the election from a position of strength, the Maha Vikas Aghadi enters it carrying the burden of uncertainty. The MVA eventually agreed on a seat-sharing formula under which Congress is contesting eight seats, Shiv Sena (UBT) four seats, and Sharad Pawar’s NCP three seats, while negotiations continued in a few constituencies until the last minute. Shrinking Influence However, the larger issue confronting the MVA is not seat-sharing but shrinking influence within local self-government institutions. Many of the local bodies that form the electoral college were elected years ago when political equations were vastly different. Since then, Maharashtra has witnessed major political realignments, including the splits in the Shiv Sena and the Nationalist Congress Party. These developments significantly weakened the organizational network of the Opposition. As a result, several constituencies that once appeared competitive now heavily favour Mahayuti candidates. The Opposition’s cautious approach reflects an uncomfortable reality that in many constituencies, the numbers simply do not support an aggressive contest. The withdrawal of candidates in several constituencies has paved the way for multiple Mahayuti nominees to secure victory without a contest. While uncontested elections are not uncommon in indirect polls, the scale witnessed this year is unique. Democracy thrives on contestation. Elections are not merely mechanisms to determine winners; they are opportunities to test ideas and hold those in power accountable. When opposition parties are unable - or unwilling - to field serious challengers, the democratic process risks becoming a procedural exercise rather than a genuine political contest. By avoiding direct contests, the Opposition risks reinforcing the perception that the battle has already been lost. Despite the Mahayuti’s overall advantage, a few constituencies remain politically significant. Thane, Pune, Raigad, Satara, Nashik, Nanded and Amravati have witnessed intense negotiations and local-level negotiation. In some seats, internal dissatisfaction within the ruling alliance has produced rebel candidates. In Nashik, Pune, Raigad and Chhatrapati Sambhajinagar, disagreements over ticket distribution had briefly threatened to disrupt alliance calculations. Similarly, in Amravati and Yavatmal, local leaders had expressed unhappiness over candidate selection. However, unlike previous elections where such rebellions could have altered outcomes, the Mahayuti leadership appears confident of containing the damage through political negotiations and organizational discipline. Beyond the immediate electoral results, the 2026 Legislative Council elections carry a broader political significance. The elections are serving as a barometer of Maharashtra’s changing political landscape. They underline the extent to which BJP has emerged as the central pole of state politics, capable not only of winning elections but also of managing alliances, controlling local institutions and shaping electoral outcomes long before polling day. For the MVA, the elections offer a sobering reminder that electoral alliances alone are insufficient. Without rebuilding grassroots networks and strengthening local organizational structures, the Opposition will continue to struggle against a ruling coalition that enjoys both numerical superiority and institutional control. As Maharashtra prepares for voting on June 18, the more important question is whether the Opposition can rediscover the political confidence necessary to challenge the ruling alliance in future battles. For now, the Mahayuti’s march appears unstoppable, while the Opposition fights to stay politically relevant. (The writer is a political observer. Views personal.)

Omar welcomes Indus Water Treaty suspension, calls it “most unfair document” for J&K



SRINAGAR: Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah on Friday welcomed the Central government’s decision to suspend the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) with Pakistan following the deadly Pahalgam attack that claimed 26 lives. He also referred to the treaty as the “most unfair document” for the people of J&K.


“The Government of India has taken some steps. As far as Jammu and Kashmir is concerned, let’s be honest. We have never been in favour of the Indus Waters Treaty. We have always believed it to be the most unfair document to people of J&K,” Abdullah told reporters in Srinagar after meeting representatives from the tourism, trade, and industry sectors. However, he noted that the long-term impact of this move is still uncertain.


The IWT suspension is part of India’s response to the brutal attack. Other actions include expelling Pakistani military attaches and shutting down the Attari land-transit point immediately.


When questioned about the impact of the April 22 attack on the region’s tourism industry, Abdullah dismissed concerns about monetary losses. “At this juncture, we are not counting rupees or paisa. Not one of the businessmen or stakeholders in the tourism industry who attended the meeting lamented the loss of business. Not one of them expressed any concern about what would happen to them.”


“Right now, our priority is to express solidarity with the bereaved,” he said, adding, “At some point in future, we may sit down to discuss the financial implications (of the attack) on J&K’s economy. But not a single stakeholder present in the meeting raised a demand for monetary relief for the losses they are suffering.”


Omar described the tourist exodus from J&K after the massacre as “heartbreaking”. The future of the Valley’s tourism sector remains uncertain, with widespread trip cancellations following the attack.

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