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Correspondent

23 August 2024 at 4:29:04 pm

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after...

Fractured Crown

Between Siddaramaiah’s grip on power and Shivakumar’s restless ambition, the Karnataka Congress is trapped in a succession spiral. Karnataka Karnataka today has two chief ministers - one by office, the other by expectation. The power tussle between Siddaramaiah and his deputy, D.K. Shivakumar, has slipped so completely into the open that the Congress’s ritual denials sound like political farce. A whispered ‘understanding’ after the 2023 victory that each would get the CM’s post after two-and-a-half years has hardened into a public confrontation between a chief minister determined to finish five years and a deputy increasingly unwilling to wait. The recent breakfast meeting between the two men at Siddaramaiah’s residence was presented as a truce where the ‘high command’ was invoked as the final arbiter. “There are no differences between us,” Siddaramaiah insisted, twice for emphasis. Few were convinced and soon, Shivakumar was again hinting darkly at change. For weeks, Shivakumar’s loyalists have been holding meetings, mobilising legislators and making pilgrimages to Delhi to get the Congress high command to honour its promise. They insist that the Congress leadership agreed to a rotational chief ministership in 2023 and that November 2025 was always meant to mark Shivakumar’s ascent. The high command, for its part, has perfected the art of strategic vagueness by neither confirming nor denying the pact. This suggests that the Congress does not merely hesitate to act against Siddaramaiah, but increasingly lacks the capacity to do so. From the outset of his second innings, Siddaramaiah has given no signal of easing aside. As he approaches January 2026, poised to overtake D. Devaraj Urs as Karnataka’s longest-serving chief minister, the symbolism is unmistakable. The mantle of social justice politics that Urs once embodied now firmly sits on Siddaramaiah’s shoulders. And it is this social coalition that shields him. His fortress is AHINDA - minorities, backward classes and Dalits. Leaked figures from the unreleased caste census suggest that these groups together approach or exceed two-thirds of the state’s population. Lingayats and Vokkaligas, once electorally dominant, are rendered numerical minorities in this arithmetic. Siddaramaiah governs not merely as a Congress leader, but as the putative custodian of Karnataka’s demographic majority. That claim is reinforced through policy. Minority scholarships have been revived, contractor quotas restored, residential schools expanded. More than Rs. 42,000 crore has been earmarked for Scheduled Castes and Tribes. Kurubas, his own community, have been pitched for Scheduled Tribe status, with careful assurances that their elevation will not disadvantage others. DK Shivakumar brings organisational muscle, financial clout and control over the Vokkaliga heartland. In electoral campaigns, these are formidable assets. But in a confrontation with a leader who embodies a 60–70 percent social coalition, they are blunt instruments. The Congress high command understands this equation, even if it publicly pretends otherwise. It also remembers, uneasily, what Siddaramaiah did the last time his authority was constrained. In 2020, when the Congress–JD(S) coalition collapsed after 16 MLAs defected to Mumbai,13 of them hailed from Siddaramaiah’s camp. At the time, he held the post of coordination committee chairman. Instead, he emerged as the principal beneficiary of collapse, returning as Leader of the Opposition with a tighter grip on the party. If the Congress high command could not punish him then, it is doubtful it can coerce him now. Shivakumar’s predicament is thus more tragic than tactical. He is not battling a rival alone, but an entire political structure built to outlast him. The promised coronation looks increasingly like a mirage drifting just ahead of a man condemned to keep walking. For the Congress, the cost of this paralysis is already visible. A government elected on guarantees and governance is consumed by succession. The party’s authority is dissolving while its factions harden. The Congress returned to power in Karnataka after years in the wilderness, only to re-enact the same leadership dysfunction that has crippled it elsewhere. Regardless of whether Siddaramaiah survives this storm, it is becoming increasingly clear that the Congress cannot survive the slow corrosion of its command in one of the few states it holds today.

Onions Will Make Leaders Cry

Onions

It may be recalled that in 1998 Delhi state elections the BJP miserably lost to the Congress.  A major contributing factor to the BJP’s defeat was the skyrocketing onion prices due to crop failure in the country. This is one example of the political implications of onion prices. This time around somewhat the same situation has arisen. So, who will bear the brunt is the question hovering in the minds of people.  


During the festive season, rising onion prices have brought tears to many eyes. The government’s policy is solely responsible for this. The Centre’s decision to ban onion exports, aimed at reducing domestic prices, backfired politically and the disregard for onion farmers’ demands, cost the BJP-led alliance dearly in the state in recently concluded Lok Sabha polls. Ahead of the Lok Sabha elections, the onion farmers in Nashik had launched a ‘rath yatra’ to bring attention to their plight as they were disappointed with the elected members from the state for not raising the issue of the export ban in Parliament and failing to voice farmers’ concerns.


The surge in onion prices in India is expected to drive up international costs and food expenses. The support prices for onions have skyrocketed, with the Centre purchasing them at a rate 74 per cent higher than last year in Maharashtra, the nation’s top onion-producing state. Last year, onions were bought at Rs 16.93 per kg, but this year’s procurement price has risen to Rs 29.5 per kg, with payments made directly to farmers through the Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) system to cut out intermediaries. To manage the situation, the Centre is distributing onions through NAFED outlets, mobile vans, and other channels at Rs 35 per kg. Significantly, the basic question remains unanswered as to how long this arrangement will work. Even when procurement prices were as low as Rs 16.93 per kg, national prices seldom fell below Rs 30 per kg. Currently, onion prices are hovering between Rs 60 and 70 per kg.


Nationwide the onion prices are expected to remain high, as the Maharashtra government is allocating Rs 1500 crore to purchase onions from local farmers and traders, aiming to maintain their support for upcoming elections. In December 2023, the government imposed an export ban on onions to tackle escalating retail prices ahead of the Lok Sabha elections. This measure led to a drop in onion prices by around 40 per cent, from Rs 42.2 per kg in December 2023 to Rs 24.5 per kg by March 2024. On March 23, 2024, the export ban on onions was extended indefinitely in response to the Lok Sabha election. This move led to a decrease in prices.


In Nashik, Maharashtra’s onion-growing heartland, the discontent among onion farmers led to the defeat of Union Minister of State Bharati Pawar in the Dindori constituency in the district and BJP alliance candidate Hemant Godse in Nashik.


Onion farmers also played a crucial role in toppling BJP alliance candidates in 11 Lok Sabha constituencies.

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