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By:

Anusreeta Dutta

26 April 2026 at 1:22:24 pm

One Maharashtra, Unequal Priorities

Six decades after statehood, constitutional safeguards remain necessary to bridge the gap between western Maharashtra and the regions left behind. Maharashtra is often referred to as India’s economic engine. The state, which is home to Mumbai’s financial ecosystem and Pune’s industrial corridor, contributes about 14 percent to the GDP of India. There is a long-standing dispute behind this achievement that has affected state politics for decades. Is every district in Maharashtra thriving at...

One Maharashtra, Unequal Priorities

Six decades after statehood, constitutional safeguards remain necessary to bridge the gap between western Maharashtra and the regions left behind. Maharashtra is often referred to as India’s economic engine. The state, which is home to Mumbai’s financial ecosystem and Pune’s industrial corridor, contributes about 14 percent to the GDP of India. There is a long-standing dispute behind this achievement that has affected state politics for decades. Is every district in Maharashtra thriving at the same pace? It is not just a political question. It is written into the Constitution proper. Unlike most states in India, Maharashtra has a unique constitutional provision under Article 371(2) which empowers the Governor to ensure that development funding and opportunities are equally shared between Vidarbha, Marathwada and the rest of Maharashtra. The clause was born out of fears that some areas would be forgotten once the state was established in 1960. Six decades later, the existence of this constitutional safeguard raises an uncomfortable question: why does Maharashtra need tools to balance regional development still? Regional Disparity The seeds of regional disparity were sown long before the birth of Maharashtra. Western Maharashtra had early investments in irrigation, cooperative sugar mills, educational institutions and transportation. The centres of industrial growth followed by agricultural commercialisation were Pune, Satara, Sangli, Kolhapur and part of Nashik. Vidarbha and Marathwada chose the other. Agriculture was still heavily dependent on monsoon rains, industrialization was slow and irrigation coverage was less than the state averages. Regional studies in Maharashtra have repeatedly shown that irrigation intensity and agricultural yield are higher in western districts than in much of eastern Maharashtra. These differences subsequently led to calls for institutional safeguards. In contrast, in western Maharashtra, government moves are increasingly geared towards growth, not deficit reduction. The region’s success is built on industrial corridors, logistics infrastructure, urban mobility projects and advanced manufacturing clusters. Pune has emerged as a hub for vehicles, computer technology, defence production and startups. Mumbai remains a major draw for investment in metro rail networks, coastal roadways, financial services infrastructure and international business zones. Agricultural practices in western Maharashtra are in a relatively advanced stage of development. Irrigation coverage is much better than many districts in the east, so the authorities can concentrate on raising productivity, export-oriented, value-added farming and agro-processing industries. Western Maharashtra’s policy, in a nutshell, is to make competitive regions more competitive. Eastern Maharashtra is very different. Here, the Governments have not only focused on accelerating growth but also on reducing the backlog of development. The main policy question is irrigation. For many decades official studies have consistently identified irrigation as the most important factor for regional disparities. Even with dedicated funds, the backlog of irrigation in Vidarbha and Marathwada kept growing, requiring repeated interventions by successive governments. To tackle this, region-specific irrigation corporations, such as Vidarbha Irrigation Development Corporation (VIDC) and Godavari Marathwada Irrigation Development Corporation (GMIDC) were established with a specific mandate to speed up water infrastructure projects. The Union Government has sanctioned a special irrigation package for Vidarbha, Marathwada and draught prone areas of Maharashtra, with an objective to increase irrigation potential and improve water security of the farmers. Even today, a lot of public money is spent on irrigation projects in eastern Maharashtra. Government affidavits and parliamentary replies say crores of rupees are spent every year to make up for irrigation shortfalls and to finish long-pending projects. This emphasis reflects an important reality: while the western part of Maharashtra talks about competitiveness, the eastern part of Maharashtra continues to debate water access. Another area where there are divergent approaches is industrial policy. Market forces have played a major role in the industrial expansion of western Maharashtra, a process assisted by the existing infrastructure and urbanization. In contrast, Eastern Maharashtra has frequently depended on state-led interventions to draw investment to lagging regions. Projects such as the Multi-modal International Cargo Hub and Airport at Nagpur (MIHAN), logistics corridors, special industrial incentives and infrastructure subsidies were to divert industrial expansion away from the Mumbai-Pune region. Likewise, recent government announcements have earmarked Vidarbha to become a future hub for solar energy, semiconductors, aerospace manufacturing and logistics, with Marathwada being pitched for electric vehicle and electronics investments. Whereas in western Maharashtra, the policy tends to buttress pre-existing advantages, in eastern Maharashtra the industrial policy aims to generate such advantages from the beginning. Regional Equilibrium These divisions have persisted, leading to separate institutions of governance. Vidarbha and Marathwada have statutory development boards to monitor regional imbalances and recommend corrective actions. Their emergence is an indication of a broader acceptance that market forces alone have not been adequate to promote balanced growth in Maharashtra. The second capital of Maharashtra is also Nagpur. The same ideology. The state legislature meets every winter in eastern Maharashtra to ensure that the issues concerning the region remain in the political focus. The issues discussed generally are irrigation, agriculture, tribal welfare and regional development in these sessions. The controversy over regional equity, however, is still unresolved. According to critics, despite decades of special packages and focused strategies, many irrigation projects continue to face delays, cost overruns and implementation problems. Several big projects in Vidarbha remain incomplete despite years of cash pledges. There is now a growing body of policy thinking that suggests that Maharashtra may have to give up the very terminology of backlog elimination. In its own discussion on balanced regional development, the state attaches more importance to reforms in governance, diversification of the economy and speeding up growth, than to compensatory spending. The challenge is not just building canals and roadways anymore but building lasting economic ecosystems that can hold on to talent, draw investment and create jobs beyond the traditional Mumbai-Pune boom corridor. The real test for Maharashtra will be whether future policies can turn Vidarbha and Marathwada from regions requiring special support to regions capable of driving growth on their own. Till then Maharashtra’s development story will be two stories. (The author is a columnist and climate researcher with experience in political research analysis and energy policy. Views personal.)

Petty Patriots

At a time when the nation is making a strenuous diplomatic effort to isolate Pakistan for its continued patronage of terrorism, the Congress party led by Rahul Gandhi and his smirking apparatchik Jairam Ramesh seems more invested in sabotaging India’s credibility abroad than in confronting its enemies. The continual sniping at their own MP Shashi Tharoor, who is ably representing India as part of a global outreach following the Pahalgam massacre, is downright disgraceful.


Dr. Tharoor, known for his erudition, eloquence and statesmanship, is currently leading one of all-party delegations sent abroad to counter Pakistan’s narrative and explain India’s calibrated military response - Operation Sindoor – to the barbaric Pahalgam massacre. Instead of lauding him, Congress leaders are busy mocking and maligning Tharoor.


Jairam Ramesh, a man known more for condescension than conviction, saw fit to compare Indian MPs on a diplomatic mission to the very terrorists they are trying to expose. That this language mirrors the propaganda churned out by Pakistan’s ISPR is no coincidence. From questioning the Balakot air strikes to mocking Operation Sindoor, Congress seems determined to provide Pakistan with an alibi at every turn.


This is not dissent. This is dereliction. The Congress’s eagerness to ridicule India’s military and diplomatic responses, simply because they were not orchestrated under its own leadership, betrays a party that has shrunk into a sulking irrelevance. What else explains its decision to ridicule the foreign outreach as “junkets”? Or to smear Tharoor as a “BJP super-spokesperson” merely for explaining India’s position coherently on the world stage?


This is petty-mindedness of a juvenile order. And it is not new. The same party once mocked the Indian Army chief as a ‘goonda’ and demanded proof of India’s retaliatory actions. It has long confused partisanship with patriotism and grievance with governance. In today’s Congress, any Indian success not authored by the Gandhis is met not with applause, but with sabotage.


One would expect a party that once claimed to have negotiated the Shimla Agreement and led India through war to display at least a fig leaf of maturity in moments of national crisis. Instead, it has become a party of Twitter trolls in khadi. When India seeks to build global opinion against cross-border terrorism, it is met with sneers from those who ought to be helping sharpen the message. When India reaches out for solidarity, the Congress and its media ecosystem blare out talking points indistinguishable from those in Islamabad’s press releases.


For them, every initiative taken by the Modi government is a conspiracy, and every soldier’s sacrifice an occasion for sarcasm. The tragedy here is that the Congress no longer seems to know how to disagree without dishonouring the nation. Criticism of the government is a democratic right. But when that criticism begins to parrot the language of India’s enemies, the line between opposition and betrayal becomes dangerously thin.


India deserves a better opposition, one that is adult enough to know the difference between politics and perfidy.

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