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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Rising Hinduphobia

The Hindu community in America as well as in India. The temple, operated by the Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS), was defaced with anti-India graffiti, a clear act of intimidation that coincides suspiciously with an upcoming ‘Khalistan referendum’ in Los Angeles. This is not the first time such an attack has taken place. The last year alone has seen at least ten Hindu temples across the United States being vandalized reflecting a clear pattern of Hinduphobia being on the rise.


For years, radical Sikh separatist groups operating in North America, with support from elements in Pakistan, have sought to stoke communal tensions among the Indian diaspora. Yet their growing brazenness would not have been possible without an enabling ideological ecosystem in the West, where the BJP-led Indian government is routinely vilified as ‘fascist’ while violent separatists are treated as freedom fighters. The irony is glaring: Western liberals who excoriate India’s elected leadership as ‘authoritarian’ are often the first to rationalize radical extremism when it is cloaked in the language of victimhood.


Despite repeated incidents of temple desecration, the so-called ‘progressive’ narrative continues in the U.S. continues to dismiss Hinduphobia as a ‘manufactured’ issue, insisting that it pales in comparison to other forms of discrimination. Hindu advocacy groups like the Hindu American Foundation and the Coalition of Hindus of North America (CoHNA) have repeatedly raised alarms about this rising intolerance, but their concerns have largely been ignored or even mocked.


Anti-India rhetoric in American universities has surged, with academics openly pushing the idea that Hinduphobia is a myth even as they cheerlead narratives of ‘Hindu supremacy.’ Think tanks with questionable funding links churn out reports portraying the Indian government as an authoritarian menace while downplaying the rising violence against Hindus globally. In contrast, the same voices that shout ‘Islamophobia’ or ‘white supremacy’ at the slightest provocation are conspicuously silent when Hindu places of worship are attacked.


This hostility stems from an ideological disdain for the Narendra Modi-led BJP government, which, to Western progressives, embodies everything they loathe: unapologetic nationalism, economic self-reliance and a refusal to be lectured by the West. Modi’s electoral dominance has led leftist intellectuals to conflate the Hindu majority with an imagined, monolithic ‘Hindu supremacist’ movement - an absurd notion in a country as religiously and culturally diverse as India.


Much of the Western left has constructed a simplistic moral binary: groups that claim oppression must always be defended, even when their actions undermine democratic values. This warped logic has led to the legitimization of not just Khalistani separatists but also extremist elements in the Palestinian movement, who are excused even when they target civilians.


Thus, if a mosque or synagogue in the U.S. is defaced, it would trigger an outpouring of condemnation with the FBI swiftly deployed and politicians scrambling to reaffirm their commitment to religious tolerance. But when Hindu temples are targeted, the response from American political elites has regrettably been muted. This must swiftly change under the new Trump administration.

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