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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj...

The Unequal Cousins

Raj Thackeray’s ‘sacrifice’ saved Shiv Sena (UBT) but sank the MNS Mumbai: In the volatile theatre of Maharashtra politics, the long-awaited reunion of the Thackeray cousins on the campaign trail was supposed to be the masterstroke that reclaimed Mumbai. The results of the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) elections, however, tell a story of tragic asymmetry. While the alliance has successfully helped the Shiv Sena (UBT) stem the saffron tide and regain lost ground, it has left Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena (MNS) staring at an existential crisis. The final tally reveals a brutal reality for the MNS - Raj Thackeray played the role of the savior for his cousin, but in the process, he may have become the sole loser of the 2026 mandate. The worse part is that the Shiv Sena (UBT) is reluctant to accept this and is blaming Raj for the poor performance of his party leading to the defeat. A granular analysis of the ward-wise voting patterns exposes the fundamental flaw in this tactical alliance. The vote transfer, the holy grail of any coalition, operated strictly on a one-way street. Data suggests that the traditional MNS voter—often young, aggressive, and driven by regional pride—heeded Raj Thackeray’s call and transferred their votes to Shiv Sena (UBT) candidates in wards where the MNS did not contest. This consolidation was critical in helping the UBT hold its fortresses against the BJP's "Infra Man" juggernaut. However, the favor was not returned. In seats allocated to the MNS, the traditional Shiv Sena (UBT) voter appeared hesitant to back the "Engine" (MNS symbol). Whether due to lingering historical bitterness or a lack of instructions from the local UBT leadership, the "Torch" (UBT symbol) voters did not gravitate toward Raj’s candidates. The result? The UBT survived, while the MNS candidates were left stranded. ‘Second Fiddle’ Perhaps the most poignant aspect of this election was the shift in the personal dynamic between the Thackeray brothers. Decades ago, they parted ways over a bitter dispute regarding who would control the party helm. Raj, refusing to work under Uddhav, formed the MNS to chart his own path. Yet, in 2026, the wheel seems to have come full circle. By agreeing to contest a considerably lower number of seats and focusing his energy on the broader alliance narrative, Raj Thackeray tacitly accepted the role of "second fiddle." It was a pragmatic gamble to save the "Thackeray" brand from total erasure by the BJP-Shinde combine. While the brand survived, it is Uddhav who holds the equity, while Raj has been left with the debt. Charisma as a Charity Throughout the campaign, Raj Thackeray’s rallies were, as always, electric. His fiery oratory and charismatic presence drew massive crowds, a sharp contrast to the more somber tone of the UBT leadership. Ironically, this charisma served as a force multiplier not for his own party, but for his cousin’s. Raj acted as the star campaigner who energised the anti-BJP vote bank. He successfully articulated the anger against the "Delhi-centric" politics he accuses the BJP of fostering. But when the dust settled, the seats were won by UBT candidates who rode the wave Raj helped create. The MNS chief provided the wind for the sails, but the ship that docked in the BMC was captained by Uddhav. ‘Marathi Asmita’ Stung by the results and the realisation of the unequal exchange, Raj Thackeray took to social media shortly after the counting concluded. In an emotive post, he avoided blaming the alliance partner but instead pivoted back to his ideological roots. Urging his followers to "stick to the issue of Marathi Manoos and Marathi Asmita (pride)," Raj signaled a retreat to the core identity politics that birthed the MNS. It was a somber appeal, stripped of the bravado of the campaign, hinting at a leader who knows he must now rebuild from the rubble. The 2026 BMC election will be remembered as the moment Raj Thackeray proved he could be a kingmaker, even if it meant crowning the rival he once despised. He provided the timely help that allowed the Shiv Sena (UBT) to live to fight another day. But in the ruthless arithmetic of democracy, where moral victories count for little, the MNS stands isolated—a party that gave everything to the alliance and received nothing in return. Ironically, there are people within the UBT who still don’t want to accept this and on the contrary blame Raj Thackeray for dismal performance of the MNS, which they argue, derailed the UBT arithmetic. They state that had the MNS performed any better, the results would have been much better for the UBT.

Rising Hinduphobia

The Hindu community in America as well as in India. The temple, operated by the Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS), was defaced with anti-India graffiti, a clear act of intimidation that coincides suspiciously with an upcoming ‘Khalistan referendum’ in Los Angeles. This is not the first time such an attack has taken place. The last year alone has seen at least ten Hindu temples across the United States being vandalized reflecting a clear pattern of Hinduphobia being on the rise.


For years, radical Sikh separatist groups operating in North America, with support from elements in Pakistan, have sought to stoke communal tensions among the Indian diaspora. Yet their growing brazenness would not have been possible without an enabling ideological ecosystem in the West, where the BJP-led Indian government is routinely vilified as ‘fascist’ while violent separatists are treated as freedom fighters. The irony is glaring: Western liberals who excoriate India’s elected leadership as ‘authoritarian’ are often the first to rationalize radical extremism when it is cloaked in the language of victimhood.


Despite repeated incidents of temple desecration, the so-called ‘progressive’ narrative continues in the U.S. continues to dismiss Hinduphobia as a ‘manufactured’ issue, insisting that it pales in comparison to other forms of discrimination. Hindu advocacy groups like the Hindu American Foundation and the Coalition of Hindus of North America (CoHNA) have repeatedly raised alarms about this rising intolerance, but their concerns have largely been ignored or even mocked.


Anti-India rhetoric in American universities has surged, with academics openly pushing the idea that Hinduphobia is a myth even as they cheerlead narratives of ‘Hindu supremacy.’ Think tanks with questionable funding links churn out reports portraying the Indian government as an authoritarian menace while downplaying the rising violence against Hindus globally. In contrast, the same voices that shout ‘Islamophobia’ or ‘white supremacy’ at the slightest provocation are conspicuously silent when Hindu places of worship are attacked.


This hostility stems from an ideological disdain for the Narendra Modi-led BJP government, which, to Western progressives, embodies everything they loathe: unapologetic nationalism, economic self-reliance and a refusal to be lectured by the West. Modi’s electoral dominance has led leftist intellectuals to conflate the Hindu majority with an imagined, monolithic ‘Hindu supremacist’ movement - an absurd notion in a country as religiously and culturally diverse as India.


Much of the Western left has constructed a simplistic moral binary: groups that claim oppression must always be defended, even when their actions undermine democratic values. This warped logic has led to the legitimization of not just Khalistani separatists but also extremist elements in the Palestinian movement, who are excused even when they target civilians.


Thus, if a mosque or synagogue in the U.S. is defaced, it would trigger an outpouring of condemnation with the FBI swiftly deployed and politicians scrambling to reaffirm their commitment to religious tolerance. But when Hindu temples are targeted, the response from American political elites has regrettably been muted. This must swiftly change under the new Trump administration.

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