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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Legal notice threatens Sunetra’s NCP presidency

Mumbai: The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) is weathering a fresh political storm as newly elected National President and Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar faces a direct legal challenge to her leadership. Elevated to the top posts following the tragic accidental demise of former Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, Sunetra Pawar is now navigating a complex internal rebellion. A legal notice served by a senior party functionary demanding the annulment of her election has not only raised the...

Legal notice threatens Sunetra’s NCP presidency

Mumbai: The Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) is weathering a fresh political storm as newly elected National President and Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar faces a direct legal challenge to her leadership. Elevated to the top posts following the tragic accidental demise of former Deputy Chief Minister Ajit Pawar, Sunetra Pawar is now navigating a complex internal rebellion. A legal notice served by a senior party functionary demanding the annulment of her election has not only raised the startling possibility of her having to step down from the presidency but has also ignited intense speculation among party insiders regarding who might truly be orchestrating this proxy battle from behind the scenes. The crisis was triggered on July 9 when Sachchidanand Singh, the NCP’s Jharkhand State President and a party veteran of 15 years, served a legal notice through his lawyer. Directed at Sunetra Pawar as party president, Praful Patel as working president, and Brijmohan Srivastava as party secretary, the notice claims that the February 26 election for the top post was fundamentally invalid and unconstitutional. Singh, who was appointed as National Secretary in December 2023 by the late Ajit Pawar but unceremoniously excluded from the new national executive committee, has demanded that the current election be scrapped and a fresh one be conducted under an independent and impartial election officer. Crucially, the notice demands that until a new election is held, Sunetra Pawar’s position and the revised list of office-bearers be considered null and void, a move that would effectively force her immediate ouster. Procedural Expose The legal challenge hinges on deep procedural technicalities that expose the fragile transition of power within the NCP. According to the notice, following Ajit Pawar’s demise on January 28, the party submitted an amended constitution to the Election Commission on February 17, vesting Praful Patel with the powers of the National President until a permanent leader was elected. Singh has questioned under what authority Brijmohan Srivastava convened the pivotal February 26 meeting instead of Patel. Furthermore, he alleged that consent from the then-national executive members was bypassed for crucial communications sent to the Election Commission on February 18. While the legalities are complex, the political implications are profound. The sheer audacity of the notice has set the rumor mills ablaze within the NCP, with party insiders quietly speculating whether Singh is acting independently out of personal grievance over his exclusion, or if he is acting as a frontline proxy for disgruntled heavyweight factions maneuvering for ultimate control of the party. Trivial Issue Amidst the brewing storm, the NCP’s top brass has attempted to project a picture of absolute unity while swiftly dismissing the rebellion. Senior party leader and NCP State President Sunil Tatkare sought to brush away the controversy, characterising the legal notice as a trivial issue completely devoid of factual or legal substance. Asserting that the election of ‘Vahini’ (Sunetra Pawar) was conducted with strict adherence to the party constitution, laws, and democratic norms, Tatkare emphasised that the opinion of a single disgruntled individual does not reflect systemic unrest within the larger organisation. He firmly stated that the party’s core committee would convene imminently to consult legal experts and take appropriate disciplinary decisions against those responsible for the notice. However, despite Tatkare’s confident efforts to downplay the crisis, the looming legal battle and the swirling internal suspicions pose a critical test for Sunetra Pawar’s nascent leadership at a highly vulnerable juncture for the party. “There is no rift in the party. All senior party leaders meet with Sunetra Pawar to discuss political issues. The letter written by Sachchidanand Singh carries no weight. Any issue should be resolved amicably in the interest of the party." Praful Patel, Leader, NCP

Run Silent, Run Deep

Pakistan’s Hangor-class submarines expose not just a shifting naval balance in the Indian Ocean, but also the cost of India’s chronic delays in defence procurement.

The balance of power in the Indian Ocean is increasingly being shaped by vessels that are designed never to be seen. Pakistan’s induction of the Hangor-class submarine represents a calculated shift in Islamabad’s maritime strategy, backed by China, and poses uncomfortable questions about India’s own submarine modernisation.


The Pakistan Navy has made little secret of its ambitions. Having commissioned the first Hangor-class submarine in April 2026 and received the third China-built boat, it has signalled its intention to maintain a sustained naval presence not only in the Arabian Sea but also in the Bay of Bengal. Such deployments would extend Pakistan's operational reach far beyond its traditional theatre and add another layer of complexity to India's maritime security calculations.


The Chinese Connection

The Hangor class is an export variant of China’s Type 039A/039B Yuan-class diesel-electric attack submarine, already in operational service with the People's Liberation Army Navy. The programme illustrates the depth of strategic cooperation between Beijing and Islamabad. Under an estimated USD 5 billion agreement, Pakistan is acquiring eight submarines, with four being built in China and the remaining four assembled at Karachi Shipyard and Engineering Works under a technology-transfer arrangement. It is one of the largest defence-industrial collaborations between the two countries and further cements China’s role as Pakistan's principal military supplier.


The significance of the Hangor class lies less in its numbers than in its technology. Unlike conventional diesel-electric submarines that must periodically surface or snorkel to recharge batteries, thereby exposing themselves to detection, the Hangor is equipped with Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP). Using a Stirling-cycle propulsion system derived from Chinese designs, it can remain submerged for as long as three weeks while operating silently at patrol speeds. For a submarine, invisibility is survival. AIP substantially enhances stealth and complicates the task of anti-submarine forces seeking to locate and track it.


Special Features

The submarines incorporate additional measures to reduce their acoustic signature. Their outer hulls are coated with sound-absorbing rubber tiles, while engines and machinery are mounted on vibration-dampening shock absorbers to minimise underwater noise. Although Pakistan originally intended to use German MTU diesel engines, Western export restrictions forced a switch to China’s CHD 620 engines. While these Chinese powerplants may require more frequent maintenance than their Western counterparts, they remain fully operational and do not fundamentally diminish the submarine’s combat effectiveness.


Nor are the Hangor boats merely difficult to detect. They are heavily armed. Six 533 mm torpedo tubes enable them to launch heavyweight torpedoes against surface ships and submarines alike, while Chinese anti-ship cruise missiles such as the YJ-18E or CM-708UNB provide a potent stand-off strike capability. Combined with advanced sonar suites, including towed-array sonar, electro-optical sensors and a Pakistani-developed combat management system, the class offers Pakistan a credible platform for sea denial and anti-access operations.


China’s motivations are not difficult to discern. Strengthening Pakistan’s underwater fleet helps secure sea lanes across the Arabian Sea and northern Indian Ocean while simultaneously stretching India’s naval resources. It also fits neatly into Beijing’s broader strategy of expanding influence across the Indo-Pacific through infrastructure investment, military cooperation and strategic partnerships.


Pakistan’s growing underwater fleet introduces greater uncertainty into Indian naval planning, particularly if Hangor-class submarines begin regular deployments into the Bay of Bengal. Such operations would complicate surveillance, threaten maritime trade routes during crises and demand a more persistent anti-submarine warfare posture from the Indian Navy.


Yet the more troubling story lies within India’s own procurement system. For well over a decade, India's conventional submarine modernisation has been characterised by indecision, procedural delays and bureaucratic caution. Project 75(I), conceived to build six next-generation conventional submarines equipped with Air-Independent Propulsion, has repeatedly slipped behind schedule. What should have been a timely replacement programme has instead become a case study in how strategic urgency can be overwhelmed by administrative complexity.


Several factors contributed to these delays. India’s insistence on acquiring a proven AIP system, while understandable given the sophistication of the technology, significantly lengthened the evaluation process. Successive rounds of technical assessments, commercial negotiations and stringent indigenous manufacturing requirements further prolonged decision-making. At the same time, limitations in domestic shipbuilding infrastructure, particularly in integrating new technologies at Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited, slowed progress even further.


The result is a widening capability gap. Many of the Indian Navy’s Kilo-class submarines are approaching the limits of their operational lives, yet their replacements remain years away. Although the Union government has now cleared the approximately Rs. 70,000 crore Project 75(I), paving the way for a contract between Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited and Germany’s Thyssenkrupp Marine Systems, the first submarine is unlikely to enter service before the early 2030s. Full induction of all six boats may not be completed until the latter half of that decade.


For the next seven or eight years, India's underwater fleet will continue to rely heavily on ageing conventional submarines, while regional competitors induct quieter and more capable platforms. Although the Indian Navy’s professionalism, network-centric operations and growing fleet of maritime patrol aircraft will help offset some disadvantages, technology cannot be indefinitely substituted by tactics alone.


Defence capability is determined not merely by budgets or industrial ambition but by the speed with which strategic decisions are translated into operational assets. In modern warfare, delays are themselves a strategic liability.


India retains considerable maritime advantages. Its navy remains larger, more experienced and increasingly integrated with like-minded partners across the Indo-Pacific. Indigenous nuclear-powered submarines are progressing steadily, and Project 75(I), once underway, will strengthen conventional underwater capabilities significantly.

But Pakistan’s Hangor-class submarines serve as a reminder that strategic competition rarely waits for procurement files to move.

 

(The writer is a retired naval aviation officer and a defence and geopolitical analyst. Views personal.)  

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