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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated,...

Gadchiroli SP declares Maoist menace ‘almost over’

Mumbai: In a resounding statement signalling a historic shift, Gadchiroli Superintendent of Police (SP) Neelotpal has declared the district, once the dark heart of the ‘Red Corridor,’ is on the verge of becoming completely free of the Naxal menace. The SP expressed absolute confidence in the complete eradication of the banned CPI (Maoist) presence, noting that the remaining cadres have dwindled to a mere handful. “There has been a sea change in the situation,” SP Neelotpal stated, highlighting the dramatic turnaround. He revealed that from approximately 100 Maoist cadres on record in January 2024, the number has plummeted to barely 10 individuals whose movements are now confined to a very small pocket of the Bhamragad sub-division in South Gadchiroli, near the Chhattisgarh border. “North Gadchiroli is now free of Maoism. The Maoists have to surrender and join the mainstream or face police action... there is no other option.” The SP attributes this success to a meticulously executed multi-pronged strategy encompassing intensified anti-Maoist operations, a robust Civic Action Programme, and the effective utilisation of Maharashtra’s attractive surrender-cum-rehabilitation policy. The Gadchiroli Police, especially the elite C-60 commandos, have achieved significant operational milestones. In the last three years alone, they have neutralised 43 hardcore Maoists and achieved a 100 per cent success rate in operations without police casualties for nearly five years. SP Neelotpal highlighted that the security forces have aggressively moved to close the “security vacuum,” which was once an estimated 3,000 square kilometres of unpoliced territory used by Maoists for training and transit. The establishment of eight new police camps/Forward Operating Bases (FoBs) since January 2023, including in the remote Abujhmad foothills, has been crucial in securing these areas permanently. Winning Hearts, Minds The Civic Action Programme has been deemed a “game changer” by the SP. Through schemes like ‘Police Dadalora Khidaki’ and ‘Project Udaan’, the police have transformed remote outposts into service delivery centres, providing essential government services and employment opportunities. This sustained outreach has successfully countered Maoist propaganda and, most critically, resulted in zero Maoist recruitment from Gadchiroli for the last few years. Surrender Wave The state’s progressive rehabilitation policy has seen a massive influx of surrenders. “One sentiment is common among all the surrendered cadres: that the movement has ended, it has lost public support, and without public support, no movement can sustain,” the SP noted. The surrender of key figures, notably that of Mallojula Venugopal Rao alias ‘Bhupathi,’ a CPI (Maoist) Politburo member, and his wife Sangeeta, was a “landmark development” that triggered a surrender wave. Since June 2024, over 126 Maoists have surrendered. The rehabilitation program offers land, housing under the Pradhan Mantri Awas Yojana, and employment. Surrendered cadres are receiving skill training and are successfully transitioning into normal life, with around 70 already employed in the local Lloyds plant. A District Reborn The transformation of Gadchiroli is now moving beyond security concerns. With the decline of extremism, the district is rapidly moving towards development and normalcy. The implementation of development schemes, round-the-clock electricity, water supply, mobile towers, and new infrastructure like roads and bridges is being given top priority. He concludes that the police’s focus is now shifting from an anti-Maoist offensive to routine law-and-order policing, addressing new challenges like industrialisation, theft, and traffic management. With the Maoist movement in “complete disarray” and major strongholds like the Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh (MMC) Special Zone collapsing, the SP is highly optimistic. Gadchiroli is not just getting rid of the Naxal menace; it is embracing its future as a developing, peaceful district, well on track to meet the central government’s goal of eradicating Naxalism by March 31, 2026.

Russo-Ukraine: Endless War and Identity Struggles

Updated: Oct 21, 2024

Russo-Ukraine: Endless War and Identity Struggles

Vladimir Putin “special military operation” in Ukraine which began February 2022 - the largest invasion since the end of the Second Word War in 1945 – has now taken on the nature of the fictional endless war described in George Orwell’s 1984.

The Russo-Ukrainian conflict has destroyed the European security structure built since the Helsinki Accords of 1975. While the Ukrainian resistance and the advance into Russian territory has surprised the West, fundamental questions persist: What made this war of aggression possible and what made the Ukrainians resist as they did and are continuing to do? What differentiates Ukrainians from Russians?

To grasp the origins of the conflict, one should begin with historian Serhii Plokhy’s The Gates of Europe and The Russo-Ukrainian War — both exemplars of clarity and conciseness.

Plokhy presents the longue durée history of Ukraine from Herodotus to the fall of the USSR and the current conflict. Located at the western edge of the Eurasian steppe, Ukraine has been a gateway to Europe for many centuries, being a meeting place and a battleground of empires - Roman, Habsburg, Ottoman.

He emphasizes Ukraine’s pivotal role in global history: The disintegration of the Soviet Unionin December 1991 was precipitated by the Ukrainian referendum on independence.

The ongoing conflict is not just a contemporary geopolitical struggle but one deeply rooted in history, particularly the contentious legacy of ‘Kyivan Rus’, a medieval polity founded by the Grand Prince Volodymyr (958-1015), a Scandinavian Viking.

As Plokhy observes, most Russians believe that their nation originated in Kyiv, the centre of the medieval Kyivan Rus’ polity, that encompassed most of today’s

Ukraine, Belarus, and European Russia. Kyivan Rus’ existed between the 10th and mid-13th centuries before disintegrating under the Mongol storm.

Volodymyr’s Christianization of Kyivan Rus’ (cited by Putin as the Russian world’s founding moment) culturally connected the region to Byzantium and Eastern Christianity, underpinning Russian claims to Ukrainian land for centuries.

In a 2021 essay, Putin fixated on foreign interference in Russian history, yet ironically, Volodymyr himself was a Scandinavian Viking who imposed Christianity on the Slavs.

The Kyivan Rus’ myth originated in the mid-15th century, with Ivan III of Moscow asserting his dynasty’s Kyivan roots to legitimize his conquest of Novgorod. Ivan’s victory marked the rise of an independent, authoritarian Russian state inherited by his grandson, Ivan IV (‘The Terrible’) who was defeated in the Livonian War (1558-83) by a coalition including Poland,Lithuania, Sweden, and Denmark. Moscow was captured by the Poles and their allies, the Ukrainian Cossacks.

During this time, Muscovy separated itself from Kyiv and the Ukrainian lands both politically and in religious terms with Muscovites no longer regarding Kyivans as fellow Orthodox believers, claiming that they had been ‘corrupted’ by the rule of Catholic kings and becoming open to the West.

In 1648, Ukrainians, led by Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytsky, sought Russian Tsar’s aid against the Poles, reviving the myth of the Kyivan heritage to protect Orthodox Cossacks from Polish Catholics. But the incorporation of the Ukrainian Cossack state into Moscow again sparked Cossack resistance in 1708, when Hetman Ivan Mazepa allied with Sweden’s Charles XII against

Tsar Peter ‘The Great’ only to be defeated at Poltava in 1709. At the time of the 1991 referendum, neither Gorbachev nor Yeltsin had imagined the Soviet Union without Ukraine, its second-largest republic and a key element of Russian history and mythology.

Plokhy masterfully illustrates how Ukraine’s past has been manipulated by Russian leaders to justify territorial claims, making the conflict a continuation of centuries-old tensions rather than a modern anomaly.

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