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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Ruthless Resolve

Another slaughter in Kashmir. Another sea of bodies, blood and broken promises. The massacre of more than 25 persons, mostly tourists, in Pahalgam by Islamist terrorists was a reminder, if any were needed, that the Indian state’s restraint is seen by its enemies not as nobility but as weakness ripe for exploitation.


The cold-blooded, religiously fuelled butchery of tourists was particularly chilling this time. Survivors spoke of terrorists demanding Indian victims recite Islamic verses and shooting them in the head at point-blank range when they couldn’t. This was religious extremism in its purest, most barbaric form.


Even the timing carried a strategic message. The massacre coincided with the visit of U.S. Vice President J.D. Vance to India and days after Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir’s incendiary speech against India and the Hindu community - a calculated strike designed to project instability and remind the world that Kashmir remains a battlefield of jihad.


The terrorism in Kashmir since the 1990s has never been about ‘freedom’ or ‘self-determination.’ It has been, from the first bullet to the latest massacre, an Islamic jihad, bankrolled, armed and directed by Pakistan’s Punjabi Army and executed by its network of jihadi mercenaries.


For how long must India endure this? How many more mutilated bodies will it take before the gloves come off? Be it the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Pandits in the Valley, the Mumbai bomb blasts of 1993, the 2001 Parliament attack, the carnage of 26/11 when Pakistani-sponsored gunmen turned Mumbai into a killing field or the 2019 Pulwama terror strike.


Enough. This cannot be allowed to continue. The Indian Army, one of the largest and most professional forces in the world, exists precisely to deal with such existential threats and must strike back hard to not just avenge Pahalgam but put Pakistan in its place once and for all.


For the primary enemy is not the terrorists pulling triggers in the forests of South Kashmir but the generals in Rawalpindi who have built an entire war economy on the back of jihad, using religious fanaticism as state policy.


Billions are spent on India’s defence every year. Aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, Rafale jets — all fine and necessary. But ultimately, if the nation’s enemies can kill civilians at will while hiding behind a rogue neighbour’s uniform, what good is all this power?


Pakistan’s Punjabi generals understand only one language: force. Their motto is jihad; their strategy is endless bleeding. India must now write its own reply in action, not words.


This is not a call for random violence. It is a call for relentless justice: the methodical elimination of Pakistan’s terror apparatus, piece by piece, man by man, dollar by dollar. The strike must be so comprehensive that India’s enemies must wake up each morning wondering: “Will I survive today?”


But until that day arrives, the bloodbath will continue, and India’s restraint will be written not as nobility, but as defeat.


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