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By:

Abhijit Mulye

21 August 2024 at 11:29:11 am

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This...

Shinde dilutes demand

Likely to be content with Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai Mumbai: In a decisive shift that redraws the power dynamics of Maharashtra’s urban politics, the standoff over the prestigious Mumbai Mayor’s post has ended with a strategic compromise. Following days of resort politics and intense backroom negotiations, the Eknath Shinde-led Shiv Sena has reportedly diluted its demand for the top job in the Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC), settling instead for the Deputy Mayor’s post. This development, confirmed by high-ranking party insiders, follows the realization that the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) effectively ceded its claims on the Kalyan-Dombivali Municipal Corporation (KDMC) to protect the alliance, facilitating a “Mumbai for BJP, Kalyan for Shinde” power-sharing formula. The compromise marks a complete role reversal between the BJP and the Shiv Sena. Both the political parties were in alliance with each other for over 25 years before 2017 civic polls. Back then the BJP used to get the post of Deputy Mayor while the Shiv Sena always enjoyed the mayor’s position. In 2017 a surging BJP (82 seats) had paused its aggression to support the undivided Shiv Sena (84 seats), preferring to be out of power in the Corporation to keep the saffron alliance intact. Today, the numbers dictate a different reality. In the recently concluded elections BJP emerged as the single largest party in Mumbai with 89 seats, while the Shinde faction secured 29. Although the Shinde faction acted as the “kingmaker”—pushing the alliance past the majority mark of 114—the sheer numerical gap made their claim to the mayor’s post untenable in the long run. KDMC Factor The catalyst for this truce lies 40 kilometers north of Mumbai in Kalyan-Dombivali, a region considered the impregnable fortress of Eknath Shinde and his son, MP Shrikant Shinde. While the BJP performed exceptionally well in KDMC, winning 50 seats compared to the Shinde faction’s 53, the lotter for the reservation of mayor’s post in KDMC turned the tables decisively in favor of Shiv Sena there. In the lottery, the KDMC mayor’ post went to be reserved for the Scheduled Tribe candidate. The BJP doesn’t have any such candidate among elected corporatros in KDMC. This cleared the way for Shiv Sena. Also, the Shiv Sena tied hands with the MNS in the corporation effectively weakening the Shiv Sena (UBT)’s alliance with them. Party insiders suggest that once it became clear the BJP would not pursue the KDMC Mayor’s chair—effectively acknowledging it as Shinde’s fiefdom—he agreed to scale down his demands in the capital. “We have practically no hope of installing a BJP Mayor in Kalyan-Dombivali without shattering the alliance locally,” a Mumbai BJP secretary admitted and added, “Letting the KDMC become Shinde’s home turf is the price for securing the Mumbai Mayor’s bungalow for a BJP corporator for the first time in history.” The formal elections for the Mayoral posts are scheduled for later this month. While the opposition Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA)—led by the Shiv Sena (UBT)—has vowed to field candidates, the arithmetic heavily favors the ruling alliance. For Eknath Shinde, accepting the Deputy Mayor’s post in Mumbai is a tactical retreat. It allows him to consolidate his power in the MMR belt (Thane and Kalyan) while remaining a partner in Mumbai’s governance. For the BJP, this is a crowning moment; after playing second fiddle in the BMC for decades, they are poised to finally install their own “First Citizen” of Mumbai.

Sacred Faultlines

The Places of Worship (Special Provisions) Act of 1991, passed in the aftermath of escalating religious tensions, sought to cement India’s pluralist ethos by freezing the character of all places of worship as they stood on August 15, 1947. However, as recent events demonstrate, its blanket prohibition on inquiries into the religious history of these sites has turned it into a lightning rod for controversy.


In Uttar Pradesh’s Sambhal, a court-mandated survey of the Shahi Jama Masjid recently ignited communal tensions, culminating in police violence that left five persons, including a minor, dead. Days later, in Rajasthan, a court accepted a petition alleging that the Ajmer Sharif Dargah was originally a Shiva temple. These developments reveal a festering grievance among sections of the majority population who feel denied the right to probe historical injustices.


The scars of India’s past conquests are both deep and undeniable. Will Durant, the American historian, famously called the Islamic conquest of India “probably the bloodiest story in history.” The establishment of the Delhi Sultanate after Muhammad Ghori’s decisive victory over Prithviraj Chauhan at the second battle of Tarain in 1192 A.D. marked the beginning of large-scale Islamization across northern India. Ajmer, Chauhan’s capital, was a victim of this upheaval. Ghori’s forces reportedly sacked Hindu temples in the region, including in Ajmer, dismantling symbols of a defeated polity.


These trends extended across north India. The Qutb Minar complex in Delhi, built by Qutb-ud-din Aibak, includes the Quwwat-ul-Islam mosque, famously constructed from the rubble of 27 temples. In Varanasi, the Gyanvapi mosque stands adjacent to the remnants of a Vishwanath temple, razed during Aurangzeb’s reign.


The past, however, is not just contested—it has often been whitewashed. Marxist historians have long framed Islamic conquests as mere political struggles devoid of religious motivations. This ‘secular’ approach, while attempting to promote harmony, has often been accused of distorting historical truths.


Proponents of revisiting these contentious histories argue that the current law’s rigidity stifles legitimate historical inquiry and perpetuates resentment. They point to the incongruity of protecting sites with visible evidence of prior religious structures, such as temple fragments in mosque walls, from archaeological surveys. In their view, allowing measured, court-monitored investigations would better serve justice than letting speculation fester.


It is crucial to recognize that history cannot be undone without imperilling the present. If the law is to be amended, it must come with guardrails to prevent its misuse. Surveys, if permitted, should be conducted under the strict supervision of neutral experts and insulated from political or communal agendas.


India’s challenge lies in balancing the pursuit of historical truth without jeopardizing its future.

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