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By:

Quaid Najmi

4 January 2025 at 3:26:24 pm

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city...

Seventy-six mayors ruled BMC since 1931

After four years, Mumbai to salute its first citizen Kishori Pednekar Vishwanath Mahadeshwar Snehal Ambekar Sunil Prabhu Mumbai: As the date for appointing Mumbai’s First Citizen looms closer, various political parties have adopted tough posturing to foist their own person for the coveted post of Mayor – the ‘face’ of the country’s commercial capital. Ruling Mahayuti allies Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Shiv Sena have vowed that the city will get a ‘Hindu Marathi’ person to head India’s richest civic body, while the Opposition Shiv Sena (UBT)-Maharashtra Navnirman Sena also harbour fond hopes of a miracle that could ensure their own person for the post. The Maharashtra Vikas Aghadi (MVA) optimism stems from expectations of possible political permutations-combinations that could develop with a realignment of forces as the Supreme Court is hearing the cases involving the Shiv Sena-Nationalist Congress Party this week. Catapulted as the largest single party, the BJP hopes to install a first ever party-man as Mayor, but that may not create history. Way back in 1982-1983, a BJP leader Dr. Prabhakar Pai had served in the top post in Mumbai (then Bombay). Incidentally, Dr. Pai hailed from Udupi district of Karnataka, and his appointment came barely a couple of years after the BJP was formed (1980), capping a distinguished career as a city father, said experts. Originally a Congressman, Dr. Pai later shifted to the Bharatiya Janata Party, then back to Congress briefly, founded the Janata Seva Sangh before immersing himself in social activities. Second Administrator The 2026 Mayoral elections have evoked huge interest not only among Mumbaikars but across the country as it comes after nearly four years since the BMC was governed by an Administrator. This was only the second time in the BMC history that an Administrator was named after April 1984-May 1985. On both occasions, there were election-related issues, the first time the elections got delayed for certain reasons and the second time the polling was put off owing to Ward delimitations and OBC quotas as the matter was pending in the courts. From 1931 till 2022, Mumbai has been lorded over by 76 Mayors, men and women, hailing from various regions, backgrounds, castes and communities. They included Hindus, Muslims, Christians, Parsis, Sikhs, even a Jew, etc., truly reflecting the cosmopolitan personality of the coastal city and India’s financial powerhouse. In 1931-1932, the Mayor was a Parsi, J. B. Boman Behram, and others from his community followed like Khurshed Framji Nariman (after whom Nariman Point is named), E. A. Bandukwala, Minoo Masani, B. N. Karanjia and other bigwigs. There were Muslims like Hoosenally Rahimtoola, Sultan M. Chinoy, the legendary Yusuf Meherally, Dr. A. U. Memon and others. The Christian community got a fair share of Mayors with Joseph A. D’Souza – who was Member of Constituent Assembly representing Bombay Province for writing-approving the Constitution of India, M. U. Mascarenhas, P. A. Dias, Simon C. Fernandes, J. Leon D’Souza, et al. A Jew Elijah Moses (1937-1938) and a Sikh M. H. Bedi (1983-1984), served as Mayors, but post-1985, for the past 40 years, nobody from any minority community occupied the august post. During the silver jubilee year of the post, Sulochana M. Modi became the first woman Mayor of Mumbai (1956), and later with tweaks in the rules, many women ruled in this post – Nirmala Samant-Prabhavalkar (1994-1995), Vishakha Raut (997-1998), Dr. Shubha Raul (March 2007-Nov. 2009), Shraddha Jadhav (Dec. 2009-March 2012), Snehal Ambedkar (Sep. 2014-March 2017). The last incumbent (before the Administrator) was a government nurse, Kishori Pednekar (Nov. 2019-March 2022) - who earned the sobriquet of ‘Florence Nightingale’ of Mumbai - as she flitted around in her full white uniform at the height of the Covid-19 Pandemic, earning the admiration of the citizens. Mumbai Mayor – high-profile post The Mumbai Mayor’s post is considered a crucial step in the political ladder and many went on to become MLAs, MPs, state-central ministers, a Lok Sabha Speaker, Chief Ministers and union ministers. The formidable S. K. Patil was Mayor (1949-1952) and later served in the union cabinets of PMs Jawaharlal Nehru, Lah Bahadur Shastri and Indira Gandhi; Dahyabhai V. Patel (1954-1955) was the son of India’s first Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel; Manohar Joshi (1976-1977) became the CM of Maharashtra, later union minister and Speaker of Lok Sabha; Chhagan Bhujbal (1985-1986 – 1990-1991) became a Deputy CM.

SCO Aims to Unite Regional Powers for Trade and Security Gains

Trade and Security Gains

Indian scholar and political commentator, Sudheendra Kulkarni, founder of the Forum for a New South Asia, has underscored the potential of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) to break the ice between India and Pakistan. Although bilateral talks between the two countries did not occur during the meeting, Kulkarni highlighted that the SCO’s first article calls for “mutual trust, friendship, good neighbourliness, and cooperation.” By adhering to these principles, the SCO could serve as a catalyst for renewed dialogue between India and Pakistan, he argued.


Kulkarni’s remarks come at a time when global trade and cooperation face significant hurdles because of rising protectionism, sanctions, and geopolitical conflicts. The SCO, which includes India, Pakistan, China, and Russia as key members, stands as a multilateral platform that can counter these challenges by promoting cooperation rather than competition. With India and Pakistan already members, the SCO provides a rare platform for the two nations to engage in regional trade, technology, and security, potentially overriding political differences.


One of the critical points that Kulkarni raised is the growing trade between India and China, which reached over $136 billion last year. Kulkarni believes that India and Pakistan could similarly benefit within the SCO framework. “We hope this will break the ice and open up India-Pakistan dialogue, even though no formal talks took place during this meeting,” he said. The SCO’s mandate to foster good neighbourly relations between member states could be instrumental.


According to Kulkarni, developing countries, particularly those in the SCO and BRICS (another multilateral group that includes India and China), should leverage these platforms to foster trade and technological cooperation that bypasses Western-dominated financial systems. In doing so, these nations can shield themselves from the adverse impacts of Western-imposed sanctions and protectionist policies, which have disrupted global markets and harmed developing economies.


Kulkarni’s critique of Western sanctions goes hand in hand with his call for a more equitable form of globalisation. “The illegitimate, dividing sanctions of Western powers go against the spirit of globalisation, starving developing countries of finance, investment, and access to markets,” he said. For countries like India and Pakistan, which face significant economic challenges, the focus should be on poverty alleviation and sustainable development—not on becoming pawns in the geopolitical games of global powers.


The SCO brings together nations from Eurasia and beyond, offering a framework for cooperation that sidesteps the entrenched political divisions seen in other international forums. Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, who described the recent SCO meeting as “productive,” highlighted key areas of cooperation, including business, medicine, food security, and climate action. These are precisely the kinds of issues that transcend borders and political differences, offering a path forward for India and Pakistan to work together under the SCO umbrella.


Moreover, Kulkarni emphasised China’s role in sharing its technological and infrastructural advancements with the world, particularly through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). If India and Pakistan can set aside their hostilities and engage with China constructively, the entire region could benefit from increased connectivity, technological innovation, and economic growth. The SCO’s emphasis on mutual benefit and regional cooperation aligns well with this vision, providing a framework for India, Pakistan, and China to collaborate on shared goals.


However, the long-standing rivalry between India and Pakistan, fuelled by border disputes, terrorism, and historical animosities, has often overshadowed efforts at regional cooperation. While the SCO provides a platform for dialogue, real progress will require sustained political will from both sides. Nonetheless, Kulkarni’s optimism offers a glimmer of hope that the SCO could be the venue where India and Pakistan start to re-engage, if not directly, then at least through shared multilateral objectives.


By participating actively in the SCO, India and Pakistan can diversify their economic and political alliances, reducing their dependence on Western-dominated institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. For Pakistan, which has been grappling with economic instability and political unrest, such engagement could offer a way out of its current crises. For India, it provides an avenue to assert itself as a major player in Eurasian geopolitics, independent of Western influence.


Ultimately, Kulkarni’s call for India and Pakistan to embrace the SCO’s potential is a timely reminder that in a world beset by conflict and division, multilateralism remains a viable path forward. The challenges of trade protectionism, sanctions, and geopolitical tensions are too complex for any one country to solve alone. As part of the SCO, India and Pakistan can work together—if not as allies, then at least as partners in the pursuit of shared regional stability and economic growth. If they can seize this moment, the SCO may become the platform where one of the world’s most enduring rivalries finally begins to thaw.


(The author is a senior journalist based in Islamabad. Views personal.)

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