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Correspondent

21 August 2024 at 3:50:16 pm

Arid State

Maharashtra has finally put an official number on a crisis that farmers have been experiencing for weeks. The state government has declared 265 of its 358 talukas drought-affected, activating the first stage of its drought-management framework. The scale of the distress should make this more than another seasonal relief exercise. It is a reminder that water stress is no longer an episodic crisis but a recurring governance challenge. The state received 798.2 mm of rain against a normal 970.9...

Arid State

Maharashtra has finally put an official number on a crisis that farmers have been experiencing for weeks. The state government has declared 265 of its 358 talukas drought-affected, activating the first stage of its drought-management framework. The scale of the distress should make this more than another seasonal relief exercise. It is a reminder that water stress is no longer an episodic crisis but a recurring governance challenge. The state received 798.2 mm of rain against a normal 970.9 mm between June 1 and September 26, a deficit of 18 percent. The first drought trigger is activated when rainfall falls more than 25 percent below normal and is accompanied by a prolonged dry spell of 21 days. Though the aggregate state deficit is lower than that threshold, the taluka-level assessment has established the conditions required for intervention. Except for five districts, rainfall has been deficient across the state. The government has ordered a stay on the recovery of agriculture-related loans and restructuring of crop loans, while extending concessions on electricity bills for agricultural pumps. Employment Guarantee Scheme norms are to be relaxed; food grains provided to farmers and arrangements made for drinking water and fodder. Crop-loss surveys will determine the eventual financial assistance. While these measures can cushion the shock, they cannot solve the problem. Maharashtra has lived with drought long enough for drought relief to have become an administrative routine. The more difficult question is why the state repeatedly finds itself having to mobilise the same machinery. Tankers, fodder camps, loan restructuring and employment guarantees are indispensable when the rains fail. But they are essentially the politics and economics of response, not resilience. The state has considerable experience in watershed development, farm ponds, check dams, groundwater recharge and other forms of water conservation. Yet the effectiveness of such interventions depends less on announcing them than on where they are built, whether they are maintained and whether groundwater extraction is regulated. Large-scale water-conservation works announced as part of the present relief package must therefore be judged by measurable outcomes rather than expenditure. There is a larger agricultural question. A state with highly variable rainfall cannot indefinitely expand water-intensive cropping patterns in regions whose hydrology cannot support them. Crop choices, irrigation efficiency and groundwater management have to become part of drought policy rather than being treated as separate subjects. The present declaration should consequently be viewed as both relief and warning. While the relief is urgent, the warning is structural. The state government cannot control the monsoon but it can decide how much water it captures when the rains arrive, how efficiently it uses what it stores and how resilient its farmers are when the skies fail. A drought code can declare an emergency. But only sustained water management can prevent the emergency from becoming routine.

SCO Aims to Unite Regional Powers for Trade and Security Gains

Writer: Kaswar Klasra
Kaswar Klasra
Oct 30, 2024
3 min read
Trade and Security Gains

Indian scholar and political commentator, Sudheendra Kulkarni, founder of the Forum for a New South Asia, has underscored the potential of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) to break the ice between India and Pakistan. Although bilateral talks between the two countries did not occur during the meeting, Kulkarni highlighted that the SCO’s first article calls for “mutual trust, friendship, good neighbourliness, and cooperation.” By adhering to these principles, the SCO could serve as a catalyst for renewed dialogue between India and Pakistan, he argued.


Kulkarni’s remarks come at a time when global trade and cooperation face significant hurdles because of rising protectionism, sanctions, and geopolitical conflicts. The SCO, which includes India, Pakistan, China, and Russia as key members, stands as a multilateral platform that can counter these challenges by promoting cooperation rather than competition. With India and Pakistan already members, the SCO provides a rare platform for the two nations to engage in regional trade, technology, and security, potentially overriding political differences.


One of the critical points that Kulkarni raised is the growing trade between India and China, which reached over $136 billion last year. Kulkarni believes that India and Pakistan could similarly benefit within the SCO framework. “We hope this will break the ice and open up India-Pakistan dialogue, even though no formal talks took place during this meeting,” he said. The SCO’s mandate to foster good neighbourly relations between member states could be instrumental.


According to Kulkarni, developing countries, particularly those in the SCO and BRICS (another multilateral group that includes India and China), should leverage these platforms to foster trade and technological cooperation that bypasses Western-dominated financial systems. In doing so, these nations can shield themselves from the adverse impacts of Western-imposed sanctions and protectionist policies, which have disrupted global markets and harmed developing economies.


Kulkarni’s critique of Western sanctions goes hand in hand with his call for a more equitable form of globalisation. “The illegitimate, dividing sanctions of Western powers go against the spirit of globalisation, starving developing countries of finance, investment, and access to markets,” he said. For countries like India and Pakistan, which face significant economic challenges, the focus should be on poverty alleviation and sustainable development—not on becoming pawns in the geopolitical games of global powers.


The SCO brings together nations from Eurasia and beyond, offering a framework for cooperation that sidesteps the entrenched political divisions seen in other international forums. Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, who described the recent SCO meeting as “productive,” highlighted key areas of cooperation, including business, medicine, food security, and climate action. These are precisely the kinds of issues that transcend borders and political differences, offering a path forward for India and Pakistan to work together under the SCO umbrella.


Moreover, Kulkarni emphasised China’s role in sharing its technological and infrastructural advancements with the world, particularly through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). If India and Pakistan can set aside their hostilities and engage with China constructively, the entire region could benefit from increased connectivity, technological innovation, and economic growth. The SCO’s emphasis on mutual benefit and regional cooperation aligns well with this vision, providing a framework for India, Pakistan, and China to collaborate on shared goals.


However, the long-standing rivalry between India and Pakistan, fuelled by border disputes, terrorism, and historical animosities, has often overshadowed efforts at regional cooperation. While the SCO provides a platform for dialogue, real progress will require sustained political will from both sides. Nonetheless, Kulkarni’s optimism offers a glimmer of hope that the SCO could be the venue where India and Pakistan start to re-engage, if not directly, then at least through shared multilateral objectives.


By participating actively in the SCO, India and Pakistan can diversify their economic and political alliances, reducing their dependence on Western-dominated institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. For Pakistan, which has been grappling with economic instability and political unrest, such engagement could offer a way out of its current crises. For India, it provides an avenue to assert itself as a major player in Eurasian geopolitics, independent of Western influence.


Ultimately, Kulkarni’s call for India and Pakistan to embrace the SCO’s potential is a timely reminder that in a world beset by conflict and division, multilateralism remains a viable path forward. The challenges of trade protectionism, sanctions, and geopolitical tensions are too complex for any one country to solve alone. As part of the SCO, India and Pakistan can work together—if not as allies, then at least as partners in the pursuit of shared regional stability and economic growth. If they can seize this moment, the SCO may become the platform where one of the world’s most enduring rivalries finally begins to thaw.


(The author is a senior journalist based in Islamabad. Views personal.)

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